By Desta Heliso
I am often baffled when people consistently describe Ethiopia’s problems as exclusively ethnic or socio-political. Ethiopia has multiple problems, which are not unique to her and cannot be solved by a single magic bullet. One major problem Ethiopia is facing at the moment is religious extremism, which, in my view, is probably one of the biggest threats for her future. This is driven home to me by the recent terrorist attacks in Manchester and London. As my family and I currently live in the north-west of the Greater London area, it was particularly close to home. In this short article, I wish to express my long-held view that addressing issues of human rights, democracy or freedom without properly dealing with religious extremism would not bring about peace, justice and prosperity in Ethiopia. I wish to urge those who argue otherwise to think again.
These are truly troubled times for the Horn of Africa. Somalia, which is ethnically almost homogeneous, is disintegrated. Djibouti is small and weak. Eritrea is isolated and supports groups such as Al Shabab. South Sudan is enduring a devastating civil war. Sudan is a fully Sharia State with enthusiasm and attempts to export its system to other countries. Extremist groups in Egypt are using the perceived threat the Great Renaissance Dam project poses to Egypt as a pretext to achieve their goals. All this makes Ethiopia extremely vulnerable. Those who live and work in Ethiopia will also know that religious radicalism was behind some of the unrest that took place in Ethiopia in recent years.
I would go even further and argue that current issues reflect the variegated nature of Ethiopia’s problems that started after the 7th century, when the fledgling but politically and economically powerful Christian kingdom of Axum was severely weakened by the ascendancy of Islam. In subsequent periods, bloody battles took place between Muslims and the Christian Kingdom, but resolutions were achieved in one way or another and Islam and Christianity have peacefully co-existed in Ethiopia for centuries. Of course, there were always some who sought to stir religious conflict in order to achieve religious and political goals. Likewise, there are some today who are inspired by the emergence of extremist groups such as Al Qaeda, Islamic State, Alshabab and Boko Haram. Indeed, there are some whose dream is to fly the flag of Islamic State at Arat Kilo, the seat of Ethiopia’s political power.
These radicals argue that Ethiopia used to be dar al Islam (‘land of Islam’) and must be reclaimed. These claims seem to be reinforced by various ideas and projects such as the restoration project of the tomb of King Armah/Nejashi and the oldest mosque in Tigray by the Turkish government. I believe the project will contribute to the preservation of the history and culture of our country. It will also bring in revenue through tourism. But for extremist elements, this is one step towards reclaiming Ethiopia as a land of Islam. Such claims may be treated as dangerous but they cannot be ignored, because the root of the claims is Wahhabi fundamentalism.
The expansion of Wahhabism in the Horn of Africa has been funded by the massive oil wealth of Saudi Arabia over the years. In Ethiopia, this goes back to early 20th century. For years, Wahhabism successfully employed stealth strategies. There was a time when projects, which were probably funded by Wahhabist ‘charities’, were freely operating in Ethiopia. It was only when Wahhabism showed its true colours elsewhere in the global arena that they were exposed. But Wahhabi extremism still continues to pose real threat to Ethiopia. This is exacerbated by what is happening in the neighbouring nations.
For example, a centuries old moderate form of Sufi Islam is endangered by the ascendancy of al-Shabaab in Somalia. Eritrea, who used to support the Houthi rebels in Yemen and was, therefore, friendly with Iran, has switched sides and is now a strong ally of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. A struggle for influence between Riyadh and Tehran is evident not only in Eritrea but also in Somaliland and the semi-autonomous Somali region of Puntland. The Sunni-Shiite battle in Yemen has made it possible for the Saudis and their allies to establish military bases in the region and draw Eritrea and Sudan into the battle against the Houthis. All this makes Ethiopia extremely vulnerable. Of course, Ethiopia cannot afford to severe its diplomatic relations with Saudi Arabia, but the fact that the Kingdom’s wealth is behind the increasing assertiveness of fundamentalist Wahhabism in the country is deeply worrying.
Having said all this, I do not think that the dream of Islamic extremists to establish a political government, which sustains puritanical Islamic doctrine through a strict application of Sharia, will come true in Ethiopia. But any success of a fundamentalist form of Islam in any part of the country could lead to religious conflict and potential disintegration of the country. That will probably end any hope of peace and stability in the Horn of Africa. So I urge all those who focus on the imperfections of the current system and the failures of the current government to consider this issue as well. Our deep and perhaps legitimate desire to perfect the democratic process and bring about the sort of ‘human-rights’ we have experienced in the West should not blind us to one of the greatest threats Ethiopia (and the world) is facing right now. Without safeguarding secular state and developing strong security, religious extremism cannot be tackled. If religious extremism is not properly tackled, democracy and freedom cannot be achieved or protected. Great Britain’s democratic process was threatened by the recent Manchester and London attacks by Islamic terrorists, as there was a question as to whether or not the election of 8th June 2017 should go ahead. Now Theresa May is promising to change the human rights law in order to restrict terrorist activities. Ethiopia’s ‘infant democracy’ and the limited freedom we enjoy would be even more severely threatened if similar sorts of attacks took place in our cities and towns, as the country is much more vulnerable than ever to religious extremism.
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