Ethiopia Today: Best Ethiopian Instrumental Classical Music - እማማ ሀገሬ ኢትዮጵያ
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Saturday, January 27, 2024
Ethiopia Today: Best Ethiopian Instrumental Classical Music - እማማ ሀገሬ ኢትዮጵያ
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Tuesday, January 23, 2024
How Ethiopia can end rampant kidnappings?
Kidnapping and extortion are on the rise in Ethiopia, with cases even reported beyond the country’s borders. Ethiopian Electric Power announced in October last year that six of its employees had been abducted and held ransom at an undisclosed location in the Oromia region. The kidnappers demanded 10 million Ethiopian birr (ETB) (about $1 million) in cash for the safe release of each victim – about 10 times more than previous ransom amounts.
Cross-border kidnappings have been reported in several parts of the country. Some incidents involve ransom demands, such as the Ethiopian Electric Power case and another that saw Ethiopian gunmen crossing into Sudan in 2021. They abducted three merchants and demanded approximately $9,000 for their release.
However, not all kidnappings are motivated by ransom. The recurring abductions of children in Ethiopia’s Gambella Region by armed groups from South Sudan are worrying – more than 275 children have been kidnapped in five years.
Following Ethiopia’s 2018 transition, armed dissidents previously based in Eritrea established themselves in Ethiopia.
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| An Oromo Liberation Army meeting. The rebel group has been accused of kidnappings and massacres in Ethiopia. Photograph: Oromia Press |
While armed groups like the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA or OLF-Shene) are often blamed for these incidents, a lack of thorough investigation means reliable information is lacking. So, despite significant public concern, attention from law enforcement agencies remains limited.
Kidnapping is a complex problem involving diverse actors with different goals and modus operandi. While financial gain drives some, others seek to further a political agenda, such as fuelling instability or showcasing their presence in a specific area of the country. Even within armed groups suspected of multiple kidnappings, motives and tactics have varied depending on their factions or affiliates at the time.
In 2019 in Dembi Dolo, an Ethiopian town near the South Sudanese border, 21 university students were abducted. To date, 12 are still captive, and those who were rescued could provide no real information on their attackers. The whereabouts of the abducted students are unknown, as are the kidnappers’ motives. They were allegedly OLA members but didn’t ask for ransom money.
In May 2021, the Ethiopian government designated the OLA a terrorist organisation, so their crimes are generally considered acts of terrorism. The Attorney-General’s Office has prosecuted intermediaries and accomplices to kidnapping for acts of terrorism under the country’s anti-terrorism legislation.
“As long as alleged kidnappers are OLA members, we usually invoke the anti-terrorism proclamation to prosecute them, even if this is an in absentia trial,” said a senior prosecutor at the Oromia Regional State Justice Bureau, on condition of anonymity. The OLA has continuously denied involvement in kidnapping for ransom, suggesting that other individuals or groups might be posing as the OLA.
In another case, public officials were abducted and assassinated by armed groups in various parts of the country. In the Oromia region, 50 employees of the Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote’s cement factory were kidnapped for ransom, which the company paid in cash. Earlier abductions in this area resulted in killings without asking for ransom. Some attackers kill their victims after demanding or receiving ransom, as happened to six children in the Amhara region in December 2019.
Some cases where kidnappers have claimed ransom were easier to prosecute, said an Oromia Regional State senior prosecutor. He said Article 590 of the Criminal Code was often invoked for such cases. The provision requires merely proving that the defendant demanded or received ransom after a kidnapping.
The justice system is reactive, and its effectiveness is evaluated based on the number of cases prosecuted, not the nature of the crimes, said another senior prosecutor at the Attorney-General’s office. “Admittedly, we did not go beyond [treating the situation as an act of isolated banditry],” the Oromia Regional State prosecutor said.
These limited investigative and prosecutorial actions have not deterred kidnappings. The Federal Attorney-General is now contemplating federal investigations and prosecutions. “Initially, we thought this problem was something that could be contained by our counterparts in regional states,” said a senior prosecutor at the Directorate-General for the Prosecution of Transnational Organised Crimes, a division of the Attorney-General’s Office.
To unmask the actors and networks involved, it’s important to approach the problem through an organised crime lens. Worrying allegations suggest that financial institutions may be revealing individuals’ account balances to kidnappers before or during abductions – making the banks complicit. This was confirmed by multiple law enforcement sources who spoke to the ENACT organised crime project on condition of anonymity.
The involvement of financial institutions extends beyond the disclosure of victims’ account details. A journalist who requested anonymity told ENACT that cash collected as ransom found its way back into financial institutions in Ethiopia and neighbouring countries like Kenya and South Sudan, where it was processed as legitimate transactions.
These funds, collected from victims, their families and friends, are suspected of fuelling conflicts and facilitating transnational organised crimes such as arms trafficking and financial offences, said a police officer. Yet these links have not been verified through investigations. This is made more difficult as victims often fear reporting incidents because they suspect police officers of collaborating with kidnappers, prosecutors said.
Regardless of whether kidnappings are acts of banditry, terrorism or organised crime though, Ethiopia must conduct thorough intelligence-driven investigations and formulate a focused strategy to tackle these crimes.
Tadesse Simie Metekia, ENACT Horn of Africa Senior Researcher, Institute for Security Studies (ISS) Addis Ababa and Messay Asgedom Gobena, Assistant Professor, Ethiopian Police University
Source: https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/661542-analysis-how-ethiopia-can-end-rampant-kidnappings.html
Egypt is Playing with Fire by Using Somalia to Undermine Ethiopia!!!
Recent political maneuvers between Egypt, Somalia, and Ethiopia have exacerbated long-simmering tensions in the Horn of Africa region. By pledging military support to Somalia’s fragile government, Egypt seems intent on weakening Ethiopia’s position while also protecting its own interests related to Nile River water access. However, Egypt’s interference risks destabilizing the entire region at a time when coordinated cooperation is most needed. A measured, diplomatic response is urgently required to de-escalate tensions before they boil over into open conflict.
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| Egypt's President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has said Cairo stands shoulder to shoulder with Somalia and has slammed Ethiopia's agreement with Somaliland to obtain access to the sea and establish a marine force base. |
Egypt views Ethiopia’s Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) as an existential threat due to its reliance on the Nile River’s waters. With construction nearing completion on the massive hydropower project, Egypt fears its control over downstream flows will diminish. With negotiations stalled, Egypt has signaled it will take any steps necessary to curb Ethiopia’s use of the Blue Nile’s waters. By strengthening ties with Somalia through a new security partnership, Egypt appears to be opening up a new front in its shadow war against Ethiopia’s growing influence.
However, opening this Pandora’s box risks severe unintended consequences across the unstable Horn. Somalia remains embroiled in a low-level civil war against Al Shabaab militants, who continue to carry out attacks despite losing territorial control.
There is legitimate concern any arms or aid sent from Egypt could end up in terrorist hands instead of the ineffective Somali government. This could empower Al Shabaab to wreak even more havoc within Somalia and across its borders. The 2013 Westgate Mall attack in Kenya, which killed over 60 people, shows the group’s reach. Replaying such tragedies would inflict further human suffering and destabilize the entire region.
Ethiopia, for its part, has contributed enormously to stability through its role leading the African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia since 2007. Over 140,000 Ethiopian troops have helped roll back Al Shabaab and create space for Somalia’s fledgling government to function.
But Ethiopia cannot continue shouldering this massive burden alone, especially with its resources already stretched thinly across internal security threats and development needs. If drawn into open conflict by Egypt, Ethiopia may be forced to reduce or withdraw support, creating a dangerous power vacuum in Somalia. This could also disrupt ongoing US-backed efforts to rebuild the Somali state.
The Egypt-Somalia military pact also risks inflaming tensions with Somaliland, whose autonomous yet unrecognized government has grown increasingly frustrated over Mogadishu’s claims of sovereignty over its territory. Such volatility would deter outside trade and investment partners crucial for development across the wider Horn region.
Rather than exacerbating conflicts through military brinkmanship, all sides must pursue cooperative, good-faith diplomacy. Egypt’s water security only deserves constructive engagement from Ethiopia and upstream nations. But destabilizing actions will only breed further destabilization with severe human costs. Ethiopia’s legitimate development and energy needs for its over 100 million citizens must also be respected. An equitable, comprehensive agreement on Blue Nile usage and dam operation remains the best path forward.
The United States, European Union, African Union, and United Nations should help broker confidence-building measures between competing Horn nations. All countries must be willing to compromise rather than issue provocative threats. Meanwhile, Somalia’s neighbors like Ethiopia and regional bloc IGAD must remain committed to the task of rebuilding Somalia from within—not through foreign interference that risks making the situation infinitely worse.
With goodwill and flexibility on all sides, the first step is mutual withdrawal from acts of destabilization that threaten to set the Horn of Africa alight once more. The region has seen too much conflict, and its people aspire primarily to lives of prosperity, safety and self-determination—goals which regional cooperation, not competition, best serve. Diplomacy must prevail before geopolitical power plays plunge the Horn back into an abyss of chaos and bloodshed from which it has only barely emerged. The alternative is too frightening to contemplate.
Thursday, August 4, 2022
Ethiopia Today: The facts of the Nile River!
The facts of the Nile River...‼️
There are 263 transboundary rivers in our country. The Nile River, which we call the Nile River, is the first to travel a long distance and cross many countries. It travels 665 kilometers and crosses 11 countries. Although the Nile River is not the longest river in the world, it is the Danube River in Europe, which crosses 1 countries before South Sudan became a country. it was.
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| Ethiopia Today: The facts of the Nile River! |
The Nile is formed by the confluence of 3 rivers, the White Nile, which originates in the mountainous mountains of Burundi, the Black Nile, which originates in Ethiopia, and the Keze River, which crosses the Ethiopian border and reaches Sudan, which is called the Atbara.
After these three rivers meet at Khartoum, they become the Nile. Crossing the deserts of Sudan and Egypt, the long journey of the Nile plunges into northern Egypt and ends at the shores of the Mediterranean Sea.
Studies indicate that the Nile River has 94bmc of water resources, 86% of which is 76bmc of water resources is from Ethiopia, of which the Nile River alone covers 53%, and the secret of the greatness of the Nile begins from here.
The mountain range of Choke, located in the Sekala Misene area of the Amhara region, is not as high as the Rasdashen and Bale mountains, but the small Choke is the source of the great Nile River. From here, it is called Galgel Abai and enters Lake Tana. As it leaves Tana, it is joined by other rivers such as the Megka, Gumera and Rab rivers.
The area where the Nile flows into the Nile is now where the Renaissance Dam is being constructed. The largest tributary to the Nile is the Didesa River, covering 18 percent, followed by the Dagus and the Beles River. These three rivers meet the Nile upstream of the dam. Altogether there are 16 sub-basins that drain the Nile. The Nile travels 145 km from its source to the White Nile in Khartoum and covers 82 km in Ethiopia.
The Nile River is of strategic importance to our country. It covers 50% of the surface water flow of the 12 basins in our country, and it covers up to 40% of our energy resources. About 25% of Ethiopia's population lives in the Nile Basin, covering 2% of our country's land surface.
Although Ethiopia is the creator of the Nile River, it has not had the opportunity to develop it, but it has been called by the Nile for centuries. There are two main reasons.
The first is the external influence and the second is the internal capacity limitation. The agreements made by the countries that used to govern the Nile basin countries under the right-hand rule so that only Egypt would benefit from the water resources, as well as the fact that the Egyptian governments prevented Ethiopia from receiving financial support and aid to develop the Nile River after the colonial rule, are mentioned as external influences.
From 189A - 195A, the rulers of the Nile basin countries, mainly England, France and Italy, made more than 6 agreements on the management of Nile water.
But all the agreements have one thing in common, they excluded Ethiopia and other countries of the headwater basin and mainly made Egypt the beneficiary of Sudan, but most importantly, in 1929 and 1959, Egypt and Sudan made a mutual agreement in which they were the sole beneficiaries of the Nile water.
In 1929, the Fascist Italian government in Ethiopia signed an agreement with the British right-wing rulers not to carry out any development on the Nile River. In 1959, two countries that have no contribution to the Nile water made an agreement to reduce the amount of water wasted by evaporation and Egypt to use 55.5BM3 and Sudan to use 18.5BM3 of water.
The second reason for not developing the Nile water until now is that we lack the ability to carry out development on the river with our own resources. To avoid this, the Ethiopian government has followed two directions: first is to strengthen internal capacity through financial and human resource development, and the second is to create local and international favorable conditions.
Ethiopia's demand for development in the Nile and its basins has been brilliantly addressed by the construction of the Tana Beles multi-sector power plant with a capacity of 46MW and the irrigation development project on the Koga River.
The second direction followed by the Ethiopian government is to create favorable conditions for the environment and the world. Efforts have been made for less than 10 years to create an agreement that allows all the countries of the Nile basin to be the only beneficiaries of water and exclude the others.
A transition program called "Nile' Basin Initiative" was established in 1999, the main goal of which was to create cooperation between the basin countries and to develop joint projects at the sub-basin level, for example, East Nile, where Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt have Eritrea as an observer. It was intended that research should be done to work together, but nothing significant was done.
Extensive diplomatic work was done by drafting the Nile comprehensive agreement framework based on the principles of international transboundary rivers and finally allowing most of the riparian countries to accept it. Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi are among the countries that have accepted and signed the agreement framework, which is said to allow them to move forward.
The most important agreement for Ethiopia is the agreement signed between Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia in 2015 known as DOP "Declaration of Principles" which is based on international law and contains ten detailed points that will benefit all three riparian countries. It is a historic and win-win agreement.
Dr. Dawd Temam from Jimma University Institute of Technology, Department of Hydraulic and Water Engineering.
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Thursday, June 30, 2022
We strongly oppose the US government's stance on the Wolkait people's question of Amhara identity
We strongly oppose the US government's stance on the Wolkait people's question of Amhara identity!
June 29, 2022 Press releases!
June 30, 2022
We have repeatedly stated that the US government's relationship with the fascist and terrorist TPLF and its subsequent stance against the interests and interests of the Ethiopian people and the unfair support of one group are wrong and the Ethiopian people are deeply saddened.
Both sides are currently discussing "negotiations" between the Ethiopian government and the terrorist TPLF. The fact that the US government is directly or indirectly involved in this “negotiation” forum is no secret to the Ethiopian people and anyone closely following the issue.
Recently, the US State Department has been working on the Wolkait people's identity as a priority for the invasion of Tigray under the guise of a referendum. In particular, the first item on the agenda of the “negotiations” is the Wolkait, Tegede and Telemt issues to be resolved in a referendum. This position of the US government in itself has three basic problems.
1st. Ethiopia is a sovereign country like any other country and has its own rules and regulations to solve its internal problems. The question of the identity of the people of Wolkait, Tegede and Telemt Amhara is an internal problem of Ethiopia and will be solved in accordance with the law and order of our country. Apart from this, any influence or compulsory agenda in the name of negotiation will not be accepted as it does not respect and violate Ethiopia's sovereignty.
2nd. It is a well-known fact that Wolkait, Tegede and Telemt are the lands of Gondar / Amhara and that the people are Gondar / Amhara. However, since the TPLF invaded, especially since the Ethiopian government came to power in 1983, large-scale illegal settlement programs have been transporting large numbers of Tigrayan settlers from Sudan and other parts of Tigray to democratize the region. Done. As a result, ethnic cleansing has been committed against our people. In the face of this distorted population and illegal invasion, holding a "referendum" is tantamount to "sharing your property equally with the thief who stole it." Therefore, this unjust judgment is by no means acceptable.
3rd. The terrorist and invading T-TPLF has been deceiving the international community by providing a distorted and exaggerated number of Internally Displaced People from Wolkait and its environs. The main purpose of this number manipulation and fraud is part of a conspiracy to make 700,000 to 1.2 million Tigreans legal residents of Wolkait Tegede and Telemt under the guise of a referendum. Therefore, any move by the US government to give Wolkait Tegede and Telemt to the invading forces of Tigray under the guise of a referendum is unacceptable.
Therefore, the Ethiopian government has a great historical and ethical responsibility to keep Ethiopia as a country by not accepting the illegal and biased pressure from the US Special Envoy or Negotiators to hand over Wolkait, Tegede and Telemt to the Tigrean invaders in the name of negotiations and referendum.
Instead, recognizing that nothing is hidden from the eyes and ears of the people, the Ethiopian government has shown its true loyalty to the people, and has made its position and decisions known to the public in a timely and transparent manner.
1st. It is well known that the people of Wolkait have not received a timely and fair response to the question of Amhara identity, which has caused a lot of problems for the country and the people. We still urge the government to respond to the demands of our people as soon as possible. We would like to point out that the more the government responds to the demands of the people of Wolkait, the more complicated it becomes and the more pressure and problems it creates on our country and our people.
2nd. The identity of any person or people is recognized, not negotiated. Based on this, the question of the identity of our people, Amhara, should be given to justice and not by negotiation or mediation. Therefore, the Ethiopian government should not ask the Wolkait people for Amhara identity in negotiations with the TPLF.
3rd. Finally, we believe that the main purpose and goal of all these conspiracies is to prevent the Amhara people from living in peace, freedom and equality in the country and to destabilize and disintegrate Ethiopia.
The conspiracy to sell Wolkait to the invader of Tigray will fail in our struggle!
Long live Ethiopia!
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