Sunday, June 5, 2022

Ethiopia's mass arrests show rift with former Amhara allies

 By Rédaction Africanews  with AP

Ethiopia's Amhara region is experiencing government-led mass arrests and disappearances of activists, journalists and other perceived critics.

Mass arrests and disappearances of activists, journalists and other perceived critics.

More than 4,500 people have been arrested in the Amhara region as of May 23, according to officials, but some activists say the real figure could be much higher.

They accuse Ethiopia's government of targeting ethnic Amhara people it considers a threat to its authority as it tries to move on from the Tigray crisis.

The arrests are the latest sign that the federal government of Ethiopia is struggling to centralize its authority among scores of ethnic groups.

The Amhara are the second-largest ethnic group and, along with Tigrayans, the source of many of the country's leaders — and critics, especially after frustration grew during the war when Tigray forces invaded the Amhara region and attacked civilians.

The federal government's arrests among the Amhara are "a pre-emptive action to consolidate their power, which they think is slowly slipping out of their hands, especially in the Amhara region," Yilkal Getnet, deputy chairman of the opposition party Hibir Ethiopia, told The Associated Press. "For me, these mass arrests are politically motivated."

The independent Ethiopian Human Rights Council earlier this week said it's not known where most detainees in the Amhara region are being held, alleging that many people were subjected to "kidnappings."

Separately, the government-created Ethiopian Human Rights Commission called the "unlawful detention" of at least 19 journalists a "new low."

On Wednesday, federal police announced it had identified 111 online media outlets it called illegal and are "attempting to cause a rift between the government and the general public." It said 10 suspects are in custody.

Ethiopia's government and Amhara regional officials defend the arrests and say they will continue.

"There were attempts to portray the government as weak, and to cause public unrest and violence," regional spokesman Gizachew Muluneh told a press conference on Wednesday.

The mass arrests aren't limited to the Amhara region, but the loudest amongst the other regions. Among those arrested are members of the Amhara militia known as the Fano which was an ally of federal forces when fighting Tigray forces.

They are now described in state media as an "irregular force," and efforts are underway to disarm some of the fighters.

"Fano militia strengthened due to the war, and partly the arrests are an effort to bring them under government control," said William Davison, an analyst with the International Crisis Group.

"However, the broad sweep of the detentions, including multiple journalists, suggests the government is also trying to control the narrative as fears grow among Amhara that their interests will be undermined by federal government efforts to end its conflict with Tigray's authorities."

Three of Ethiopia's largest opposition parties have called on the federal government to stop the arrests.

The Amhara Association of America shared with the AP a list of detainees whom it said were targeted in recent weeks. It also alleged that seven people were killed on May 20 in Motta town in the Amhara region when the army and regional special forces fired on a peaceful demonstration against the mass arrests.

The federal government fears Amhara political elites could emerge as its most pointed critics during the current respite from the Tigray war, said Yilkal with the opposition Hibir Ethiopia.

Read from the Source here: https://www.africanews.com/2022/06/03/ethiopia-s-mass-arrests-show-rift-with-former-amhara-allies/

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Friday, June 3, 2022

"The weak and submissive Amhara state government"

 "The weak and submissive Amhara state government"

 Freedom Fighter Keleb (Aster) Seyoum

 Freedom Fighter Keleb (Aster) Seyoum

When the TPLF took over the reins of government, the main tool was to create regional governments that sold their identities and made their stomachs.

The ADP ( Amhara Democratic Party) was one of the most important of these. The TPLF then ruled the Oromo people, it will be recalled that it was in ODP (Oromo Democratic Party).

Historically, the Organization for the Prohibition of Drug and Drug Addiction (ODP) has used its experience in the TPLF to establish a puppet party against the Amhara people.

This regional government has sold its identity and the unity of the Amhara people is being challenged and eroded. He arrests, kidnaps, and kills the people of Amhara for the benefit of the ODP.

The Defense Forces, which failed to bring to justice the TPLF thugs who were declared terrorists by the House of Peoples' Representatives, colluded with the ruling party in the region and looted the peaceful Amhara people. It will burn.

Many sincere people may not understand that at this crucial and historic moment, neither the TPLF nor the prosperous federal government is at war with the people of Amhara.

Both are seen attacking the people of Amhara and Afar.

The people who were killed and the property that was destroyed are only the people of Amhara and Afar.

Despite this fact, it is not disputed that the federal government will pave the way for the TPLF to come back and plunder the Amhara people.

At a time when the TPLF is preparing for a third invasion, what can be said about the fact that the Amhara people are rushing to register and disarm, and pave the way for the TPLF invasion?

In my personal opinion and political belief, there is no reason for the Amhara people to disarm unless they are at the grave.

The people of Amhara know very well what the TPLF did in their own country.

TPLF was raped and his wife and children were raped.

What could be more offensive - what more humiliating !?

If he does as much as he wants, he will not be fooled by the Amhara people who give him whatever reason he wants. Not at all.

Both the Prosperous Government and the Defense Forces are afraid to tread on Tigray once again because they have tasted the stumbling block.

The people of Tigray are being given a budget to recover from the devastation.

On the other hand, we call on the people of Amhara to disarm. Arrested: Will flee; He will be killed.

All this is being done to preserve the unity of Ethiopia, or to benefit the Oromo people; But it does not.

The people of Oromo are united with their brothers; Or their main goal is to make the ODP's cadres a billionaire by preparing for another massacre.

Just as TPLF officials have plundered the wealth of the Ethiopian people for thirty years and left their children and grandchildren behind in Europe and the United States, so do the people of the this party (ODP).

As long as the ODP in in power, they plan to make themselves among the African billionaires and carry out a conspiracy to overthrow the TPLF.

They will be able to carry out this evil plan by repeatedly attacking, impoverishing, displacing, killing, disturbing the peace and hope of the Amhara people, who are steadfast in their Ethiopian unity; Yes, they do.

The so-called transitional government of the Organization for the Prohibition of Drug and Drug Addiction (ODP) has not removed Article 39 from the constitution, conspired to divide the region, celebrated the TPLF's inauguration on May 28 every year, etc.

“He will not return to the stone he borrowed”

The people of Amhara have always been a great guarantee for a dignified Ethiopia.

If Amhara had joined forces with the enemy, the invincibility and heroism of Ethiopians would not have been possible to tell the world today.

In fact, the story of the liberation of the whole of Africa, not just the Ethiopians, could not be realized.

People who have paid a high price for all these things are now being attacked by their own brothers.

I tell you the truth! The people of Amhara have been betrayed.

The suffering of the Amhara people is similar to the persecution of Jesus Christ.

The Lord Jesus Christ nailed His hands, nailed Him to the side, put a crown of thorns on His head, was flogged 666 times, and was crucified because He wanted to free all mankind from the bondage of sin.

The people of Amhara have shared in the fullness of Christ, just as he was condemned to death for paying a high price for the salvation of mankind. too bad; It hurts.

Freedom Fighter Keleb (Aster) Seyoum

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Tuesday, May 31, 2022

More than 4,000 arrested in Amhara as Ethiopia cracks down on militia

At least 19 journalists caught up in mass detentions after government moves against Fano, its former ally in Tigray conflict

Crowds rally in support  of prime minister Abiy Ahmed in Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa.
Crowds rally in support of prime minister Abiy Ahmed in Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa. Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters

Ethiopia has launched a sweeping crackdown against an influential armed militia in its Amhara region that has led to the arrest of more than 4,000 people, including journalists, activists and a former general.

The militia group, known as the Fano, played a key role alongside the federal military in beating back November’s southward advance through the Amhara region by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which is fighting an 18-month-long civil war against the government and its allies.

Since then, the TPLF has retreated to its northern home region of Tigray, and the government has made attempts to disarm and demobilise the Fano militia, leading to a series of clashes with regional security forces.

An Amhara state security official announced the arrests last week, telling local media that 200 paramilitaries had been detained on suspicion of carrying out killings and engaging in other “illegal activities”.

In a statement, the federal government said it was “taking a wide range [of] measures in [the] Amhara region against groups involved in the illegal arms trade, looting and destroying property of individuals, killings, and creating conflict among the public”.

At least 19 journalists have been picked up in the mass arrests, according to the state-appointed Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC). On Saturday, Daniel Bekele, head of the EHRC, described the arrests of the journalists as a “new low”. “Ethiopia’s media law clearly prohibits pre-trial detention for any alleged offence committed through media, and all detained media personnel should be released,” he said.

Brig Gen Tefera Mamo, who commanded the Amhara region’s security forces until February, is among those detained. He was arrested shortly after giving a media interview criticising the ruling Prosperity party of prime minister Abiy Ahmed and its handling of the conflict with the TPLF.

Tefera appeared at the supreme court of the Amhara region on 20 May, accused of trying to dismantle the constitution. He was remanded in custody for 10 days.

The conflict in northern Ethiopia broke out in November 2020 and has heightened ethno-nationalist sentiment among the Amhara, Ethiopia’s second largest ethnic group. Many Amhara resent the government’s failure to prevent the TPLF occupation of parts of their region, which resulted in widespread damage to infrastructure.

All parties have been accused of atrocities, including Fano militia members, who moved to occupy the western part of the Tigray region when the conflict began. A recent report by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International accused Amhara forces of launching a systematic campaign of “ethnic cleansing” against the area’s Tigrayan population.

The Fano began as a loosely organised Amhara nationalist movement active in the 2016-2018 protests that led to the downfall of Ethiopia’s former TPLF-dominated government. It subsequently evolved into an armed militia group before the current conflict further swelled its ranks.

A Fano fighter from the historic town of Lalibela, who fought against the TPLF last year, told the Guardian that he and other militia members were currently in hiding because they feared arrest. “If we sleep in the town, the government will come and imprison us, so we spend the nights in the countryside,” he said.

“Many of my friends have already been imprisoned. The government is acting too much like a dictator because they want to control the Amhara region of 30 million people and make us poor.”

The federal government declared a humanitarian truce with the TPLF on 24 March and has ceased restrictions on aid to the Tigray region, where 5.2 million people need humanitarian assistance.

Reports that the government could be preparing to negotiate with the TPLF have provoked criticism by Amhara activists. A previous amnesty that saw the release of several TPLF figures in December was also deeply unpopular.

Zola Moges, a member of the Amhara regional parliament, said the government now sees the Fano militia as a threat to its authority, despite its reliance on the group when fighting the TPLF last year. “Now they are trying to control this informal armed group, but we don’t know what the consequences will be,” Zola said. “The government could succeed, or these militia could go underground. If that happens, it will be very difficult to fight them.”

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TPLF says its fighters clash with the Eritrean army

 

Rebel forces in the Tigray region say fighting has broken out again with neighbouring Eritrea.

The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)’s spokesman Getachew Reda said on Twitter on May 31 that the Eritrean forces shelled the Tigray town of Sheraro on the 28th and 29th of May.He accused Eritrea of attempting to escalate tensions. Eritrea has not yet responded to the reports.Ethiopian government spokesperson Legesse Tulu told the BBC he had no information about the alleged fighting but said it could only be a provocation on the part of TPLF which would use to lay the blame on the Eritrean government.In addition to the clashes that took place in the past two days, Getachew said that the Eritrean 57th and 21st divisions had attacked the Tigray region and that the Tigrayan forces had thwarted the attack in the Adi Awalla area. “A brigade commander, three battalion commanders and more than 300 soldiers were killed and wounded. Many weapons and materiel was also captured,” he added.

In response, the government spokesperson Legesse Tulu, told the BBC that “we do not believe Eritrea could  launch the attack  at this time.”

The TPLF forces are preparing for war and might be planning a provocation in the area as a pretext for the war, he added.

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Monday, May 30, 2022

Ethiopia set a world record for displacements in a single year: 5.1 million in 2021

Jacky Habib

People who fled from fighting in Ethiopia gather in a temporary internally displaced people camp to receive first bags of wheat from the World Food Programme. Ethiopia saw a record 5.1 million displacements in 2021.

Amanuel Sileshi / AFP via Getty Images

Conflict and violence triggered over 5.1 million displacements within Ethiopia in 2021 — triple the number reported there in 2020 and the highest figure recorded for any country in a given year, according to a new report from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre.

An internal “displacement” is defined as being forced to leave a place of residence but not crossing internationally recognized borders.

The cause of the staggering Ethiopian numbers: attacks against civilians, health facilities, and schools in Afar, Amhara, and Tigray which “triggered an unprecedented number of new and repeated displacements,” according to the report. So the number 5.1 million includes people who may have been displaced more than once.

The previous record was 3.5 million for Syria in 2013.

The report also indicates there are around 4.2 million internally displaced people (IDP) in Ethiopia.

The ongoing civil war in Ethiopia began in November 2020 as a power struggle in the country’s northern Tigray Region. The government and its allies, Eritrea and the Amharas, are fighting Tigray’s dominant political party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. All sides have committed atrocities in the conflict, which has involved mass killings and the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war.

A deep humanitarian crisis has resulted, and the U.N. has said the government has put in place a “de facto humanitarian blockade” preventing life-saving medicine and food from reaching rebel-held Tigray. Officials in Ethiopia have repeatedly denied blocking access to aid, but over the past eight months only a small amount of the needed-aid has made it into Tigray. Currently, 5.2 million people in Tigray need food aid. Approximately 400,000 are experiencing famine conditions.

Although the government declared a truce in March, a small fraction of much-needed aid — less than 10% by some estimates — has reached Tigray and the U.N. is still reporting that access constraints are delaying food distributions.

“It is not for a lack of resources or goodwill on the part of the international community. It is due to the Ethiopian government’s deliberate policy of starving TPLF and the people of Tigray,” says Awet Weldemichael, a professor at Queen’s University. “We have an entire region completely disconnected from the rest of the world — no basic services, financial, telecommunication, education, and otherwise.”

According to Weldemichael, “all the elements of the crisis are worsening.” He says the ongoing conflict along with a drought the likes of which hasn’t been seen in 40 years and worsening socio-economic challenges, may lead to even more conflict as people fight over limited natural resources.

To learn more about how the conflict has displaced people in Ethiopia, we spoke with Ivana Hajzmanova, the regional coordinator for the Middle East and Africa for the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. Her comments have been edited for length and clarity.

The war in northern Ethiopia has displaced millions of people at an unprecedented rapid scale. According to your data, 5.1 million displacements in a single year is a global record. Who’s most vulnerable and what are they facing?

This figure is very alarming and it shows how difficult the current situation is. Children are very much at risk. It was estimated that 1.7 million children lost access to education because they were in displacement. There were also widespread reports of human rights violations and abuses against different women, children and also members of different ethnic groups.

We are looking into the impact of displacement on disabled populations and disabled IDPs. We have observed that many settlements, evacuation centers, or IDP camps are not prepared to welcome disabled IDPs.

This war has unfolded during a global pandemic. What does your research show about the impact of COVID-19 on those who are displaced?

More than a half of those surveyed in displacement sites in Ethiopia report that they lost a job as a result of the pandemic, or they found it harder to find work because of the pandemic. In the same assessment, more than half of the IDPs said that they faced financial problems as a result of the pandemic, and they had to resort to reducing meals, borrowing money and also selling livestock — which is the main source of livelihood for many of them. The impacts of global inflation [due to the pandemic] is also impacting the ability of IDPs to buy food, which further impacts their food security.

Humanitarian organizations have called out the Ethiopian government for preventing them from accessing areas in Tigray. That makes it difficult to deliver aid — and even to assess the conditions that displaced people are facing.

There are certain parts of Ethiopia that are still inaccessible, especially in the region of Tigray. There are still areas which cannot be accessed by humanitarians and therefore they cannot be assessed. It’s very challenging, but despite this, our partners still manage to gather a lot of information on what’s happening in the country.

There are different ways of overcoming these challenges and it depends on the context and all the technological possibilities. It’s possible to use satellite images. This isn’t just a challenge in Ethiopia; we have seen similar constraints in other countries.

Can you explain how you use satellite images to help come up with the estimates in Ethiopia and other countries where you may have limited access?

Through satellite images, we get a better idea of what is happening and what is the scale of displacement. Satellite images mostly show the destruction of residential areas. Based on that, we can estimate how many people lost their homes and [people who] were displaced.

Can you explain how you come up with the estimates in Ethiopia and other countries included in the report?

It includes several assumptions.

For example, when you look at countries where we have multi-story buildings, we need to take into account how many stories this building might have and how many people could have lived there. We need to understand the average household size to have accurate estimations of displacement. We also need to understand what might be shopping centers or other types of public buildings in order not to overestimate displacement.

So do we know how much it costs to take care of the living needs of one displaced person in Ethiopia? The report shows a yearly range for health care, housing, education and other costs from $90 in Colombia to $710 in Syria.

The average economic impact per IDP in Ethiopiais about $390 — higher than the global average ($360) largely due to the severity of needs in Ethiopia, logistical challenges and access constraints.

This represents the cost of providing each IDP with support for their housing, education, health, and security for one year of displacement and accounting for their [immediate] loss of income. This does not represent the money actually spent on IDPs in 2021. It is an estimate of what funds would have been needed to meet their basic needs.

In March this year, the government of Ethiopia declared a unilateral truce in its conflict with Tigrayan forces. What impact has this had on displacement? Is there an indication of what we may see in the coming months?

I would say [we have seen] a slightly positive development, which was a truce between the warring parties in northern Ethiopia. At the same time, we also saw more displacement in [the state of] Oromia, the region of [the capital city of] Addis Ababa. There were also reports of violence and displacement in the past few weeks.

Toward the end of 2021 and the beginning of 2022, because the fighting in Ethiopia decreased, we saw a wave of returns. There were hundreds of thousands of IDPs who were returning to Tigray, Amhara and Afar. The main challenges they were facing were large destruction of their homes, public infrastructure, a lack of services and lack of access to education. There are many challenges, but we saw that many people tried to return as soon as they had the possibility to do so. This gives us an indication of what we can expect in the coming months should the truce hold and the fighting decrease in northern Ethiopia.

The report also touches on positive migration trends we saw in 2021. For example, India and Pakistan announced a ceasefire in the disputed region of Kashmir, and Bangladesh is implementing a national strategy to help resettle people displaced due to climate change. What’s the outlook in 2022?

The trends are very worrying globally. We were saying in this report that 5.1 million new displacements in Ethiopia is the highest figure ever recorded for any country in a given year. Now we know that Ukraine is now higher and it [continues to rise].

Despite the fact that these numbers are so high and the trends are very worrying, there are some good practices across the world, where governments are trying to respond to the displacement crises. They’re adopting different policies regarding durable solutions for displaced people. Even though the situation is concerning, there are still some lights in the darkness.

Jacky Habib is a freelance journalist based in Nairobi and Toronto. She reports on social justice, women’s rights, and global development. Follow her on Twitter @jackyhabib and read more of her work at www.jackyhabib.com.

Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.

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