Thursday, March 17, 2022

Life after the war in Dessie, Woldia and Lalibela - BBC Amharic

 Life after the war in Dessie, Woldia and Lalibela

We flew from Addis Ababa to Kombolcha in the afternoon. There is a woman in a chair with a girl on the ticket number. She was completely enlarged. "I don't care," I said, sitting on the other chair.

She also looks out of place. Besides, coping with her newborn is an additional task, so she will not have time to talk to anyone else.

Dessie

After the flight attendants offer us something to taste, "What do you have to drink?" We broke our silence. It was only after all this that she told me that she had migrated from Dessie to Addis Ababa when she was ten days old and was returning home in her fourth month.

She was in pain during the war around Dessie. She delivered her first child to Dessie Hospital, which was in full swing at the time, and returned home. But the war did not end there. He came closer to Dessie. On the tenth day after giving birth, she set out for Addis Ababa to save her own life and that of her son.

It was only available to Kombolcha by car. Then she had to walk the road. She increased her speed to escape the oncoming battle.

Undaunted, she traveled long distances. Coincidentally, she found a car and continued her journey to Mise. Still, the battle that had been raging against her was far ahead of her.

They could not pass because of the war that was allegedly started by OLF-Shen. They spent five hours in a car while being shot. Five hours later, they passed me by. In other cities, Mulu and her family arrived at Debre Berhan, facing similar challenges.

Mulu Asfaw 

As a result, it took her five days to reach Addis Ababa. During her five days on the road, she saw people dying and injured. You do not want to see her face again. That's why she chose to fly.

We arrived at Kombolcha Airport. We received our goods in a special way. He got off the plane and loaded onto a truck. He did not enter the reception area. We were picked up from the vehicle.

The reason is speculative. This may be due to the fact that the truck was not damaged by the war. We parted company.

We never spent much time in Kombolcha. We immediately started on our way to Dessie. I held the seat next to the driver, and my eyes widened in three directions to read the impact of the battle. Forward, left and right.

The twisting of the whirlwind of the war in both rounds was not a signal for us to look at. The road is just one thing less than the traffic I saw a year ago.

The Awash-Kombolcha-Hara Market railway project vehicles, which are normally congested, are not associated with Yapi Merkezi. I later learned from the project manager that the contractor had been robbed and sent to Turkey.

We approached Dessie, amazed at the Harago forest reserve. Before we could say good-bye to him, he saw the sign of war. A Z-23 hit and stood in the corner like a stick. As we passed by, we found a similarly damaged cannon.

As soon as we finished, we were escorted to the checkpoint at the intersection. As we passed the checkpoint, we found a petrol station lying on the island. The cabin collapsed and he leaned against the mountain that surrounded Dessie. There are various messages in black on the white background. It was reportedly diverted towards Dessie and may have been hit by a drone when the TPLF forces returned.

Dessie

After crossing the winding road, we reached the Dessie Gate. Dessie does not notice much difference at the entrance. The light poles are decorated with green, yellow and red. The green, yellow, and red smoke, which has become a hallmark of Dessie in recent years, is still in its infancy.

A short distance from the smoke, long-distance vehicles on the right side of the road unload their passengers. City taxis and badges, as usual, congested traffic. All shops are open. I could not find a bird in a closed house.

The bus station is overcrowded. Drivers call their customers from the lake to Kobo, Kombolcha to Mise. Although I looked at the left and the right, I could not see the object of the war in Dessie.

I later learned that the scars of war were in three places. One is in buildings, the second is in the human mind, and the third is in the human body.

The Golddenget Hotel, where we stayed, was looted and destroyed, but now it is in good repair. There is no television in all the rooms of the hotel. I asked the hosts. "The TPLF has robbed them all," they told me. Of course, the walls of the hotel testify to this. Each hotel room is marked with only a blank TV set.

The hotel offers major services. If we ask for an emergency service, the answer is usually the same. "Juntu destroyed it." This is often the case when the scars of war are covered by buildings.


Dessie at night

Dessie Day is bright. But you go to bed at night. Many services will be closed at three o'clock. The main road, which is normally congested, is empty at this time. The buildings on the left and right of the road will turn off the lights and the light for the main road will be reduced.

As a result, roads outside the main asphalt are dark. The movement of people and vehicles is very limited. Security forces occasionally appear in groups. The city looks very peaceful.

Dessie's timely sleep did not cause her to wake up in the morning. You get up early. The city begins to awaken after it reaches Dessie, where the eastern shore of Mount Tosa rises.

Before we said goodbye to Dessie, we went everywhere and took photographs and videos. No one tried to stop us. Our freedom was amazing. We ended our stay in Dessie without any special confrontation between the Defense Forces and the Special Forces.

Journey to Woldiya

Woldiya is 120 kilometers north of Dessie. Lake, Wuchale and Mersa are central towns between the two cities. In the center of the lake, the battlefield is clearly visible.

A cannon loaded on a long vehicle is no longer used. Another military water tanker is located in the same city. We did not have time to explore the city. The movement along the main road is typical.

As we walked out of town, we were hit by tanks and mortars. In the background, the local farmers do their farming. We climbed the steep hill and headed for Wergesa and Mersa. Woe to her, and she is seen standing here and there.

Libso is one of the few towns in the Habru district. She was also among the victims of the war. Probably the most memorable of the war cities.

When the TPLF forces returned from a defeat in North Shoa, locals ambushed them and opened fire on them. The heavy trucks they were carrying caught fire. But the fire did not stop.

He moved to the small side of the road, east of the road. Extensive damage to property and people. Cement and other commodities in the houses were reportedly burned to the ground.

A local resident told us that more than 10 people had died in the accident. He testified that not only the fire but also the militants were responsible for his death. It took us more than four hours to reach Woldia, as we stopped everywhere to see things like this. We arrived at Woldia around 9:00 p.m.

Woldia

Woldia is the center of more than a dozen North Wollo woredas. She was also a local mayor. Woldia is in many ways a key city.

It is one of the closest cities to the port of Djibouti. As a result, it is a gateway for most imports.

It is the heartland that connects North Tigray, East Afar, South Dessie and Addis Ababa, and West Bahir Dar and Gondar. Woldia was the first zonal town to fall to the TPLF as the northern war expanded to the south last summer.

As soon as I left my luggage at the hotel, I went out for a walk and toured the area. Woldia, whom I knew, has completely changed. The streets and squares, commonly known as 'piazza', have lost their shape.

It looked like a small football field, with no vehicles moving back and forth. Water is splashed on the ground to reduce the amount of dust that covers the left and right sides of the city. Even so, the buildings along the sidewalk could not be saved.

The road was under construction last year. He stopped the spread of the war. Although Woldiya has been in government hands for months, there is no indication that the rebuilding process has begun.

Even so, Woldia is struggling. Like Dessie, she is trying to be as active as possible. Public transport comes in from all directions; It comes out. Cafes line their chairs on the porch and serve their customers.

Woldia has a lamp. But by the time we left, it was gone. The hotel where we stayed had a generator. I returned to the hotel to find out what I had never seen in Dessie. It's the same. Here, too, is the TV set, not the TV. I know the answer, so I did not ask why.

The hotel staff told me earlier that all the hotel furniture had been looted and that the church that was now operating was hidden.

Journey to Lalibela

We arrived in Lalibela on Saturday afternoon. Saturday is usually market day. The shopkeeper is returning home with a sidewalk.

We exchanged greetings with merchants and shepherds, drank sugarcane, turned off the winding road, explored the mountainous region of Gedan, crossed the ancient city of Kul Field, crossed the Tekeze River, and walked through the Garden of Mary to the main road from Gashena-Lalibela-Sekota.

We passed by Nakuto to Father and came to the ancient city of King Lalibela. When we entered Lalibela, like any other Ethiopian city, we first met badgers.

Lalibela

We continued our journey, thinking of the completion of the asphalt road for the development of the city. But the asphalt did not last long. It is the entrance to the city, and the city center is still aspiring to asphalt.

It has been two months since Lalibela came under TPLF control. Basic water and electricity services have not yet begun. Larger hotels use a generator that runs from one to four o'clock at night.

We shortened our stay and headed for Lalibela so that we would not miss the Sabbath. We succeeded. In the morning we arrived at the former Temple of the Four Churches.

I had seen the Lalibela churches many times, but I still admired them as new visitors. Of course, this is a must for any Lalibela visitor.

It was a Sabbath day, and because it was the beginning of the fast, a large crowd attended. The Lalibela Church, which used to be crowded with foreigners, is no longer a tourist attraction. This is because of the cholera epidemic and the war zone for eight months.

Lalibela is a direct or indirect source of income for tourism. The plague and the war overtook her. Residents described the situation as "devastating and deadly."

Due to the two events, tourism resources, which could not be quantified, could not reach the pockets of every resident. As a result, many things seem to have changed.

When young people see a new person, they want to be the best guide. Those who sell crosses, traditional sculptures, and other decorations often beg customers to buy them. Everyone tries to get as many as five or five guests to help. But where does a stranger come from?

The first direct users of Lalibela Tourism are hotels and tours. Lalibela hotels, which occasionally host guests following the outbreak, are said to have been looted by TPLF forces after the war.

Two months after the government recaptured the area, they were unable to regroup and remained locked. Roha, Mountain View and Ben Ababa hotels are mentioned in this category.

It has been months since the traditional nightclubs that have been performing 'Alemye Sora' come and go.

Residents say only Lalibela mules have benefited from the war and the epidemic. Lalibela mules, who used to carry visitors to the Abune Yosef and Ashton Mountains, said goodbye when the rest of the season began. No visitor!

Residents of Lalibela divide their time under TPLF forces into two phases. The first is that they spent four months and they say "thank you".

The second is the so-called "hard time" once again after a week of independence. Residents consider it a good thing that the TPLF forces are not at war when they enter or leave Lalibela. Most residents believe that this is because "St. Lalibela has prevented them from shooting."

The first four months are not so bad. "Our sisters have been raped, our brothers have been killed, our property has been looted.

Four months later, on December 3, 2014, government forces took control of Lalibela. The crowd came out and rejoiced. Youths marched from village to village to gather food for the security forces. But they continued for a week.

One week later, TPLF fighters recaptured Lalibela. According to residents, this was a difficult time for Lalibela. "They betrayed us for four months," he said. In fact, they only stayed in Lalibela for a week. According to residents, the damage has not been done in four months.

Lalibela is now working hard to do her best. All residents want the tourist flow to return. Many things seem to be in order to do that. But two issues still need to be addressed: Light and water.

We have completed our journey from Dessie to Lalibela and are returning to Addis Ababa. I called her. She spoke to me in a calm manner. She returned to her home [lake] and began working.

She had just left Dessie, so she did not have time to hide her belongings or prepare food for the trip. When she was in Addis Ababa, she told me that it was her sister who had given her a change of clothes. She returned home with the same message.

When she arrived home, she found nothing. But at the very least, she considers herself lucky to have had the opportunity to give birth in a hospital and save her life. Her baby is now in her fifth month. 'Give her something to eat,' she said. She told me that it means "God sent her to save us."

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Wednesday, March 16, 2022

A group of diplomats is heading to Ukraine to free imprisoned Ethiopian students

 "A group of diplomats is heading to Ukraine to free imprisoned Ethiopian students."

A group of diplomats from the embassy in Berlin are on their way to Ukraine to free six Ethiopian students detained in war-torn Ukraine.

Ambassador Teferi Tadesse, Deputy Head of Mission at the Ethiopian Embassy in Berlin, told the BBC that a team of diplomats from the embassy had left for Ukraine on Wednesday morning.

Ambassador Teferi said the detained students were detained at the border trying to enter the EU (Schengen) countries eight or five months before the start of the war in Ukraine.

"Although the students have been arrested for their crimes, efforts are being made to support them and to release Lycee Passe," he said.

He said the trip began after talks with the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ukrainian Embassy in Addis Ababa.

The students spoke to the prison administrator by telephone on Wednesday morning, and Ambassador Teferi said he had given them permission to "bring the necessary information."

He added that a group of diplomats who had traveled to Ukraine would go to the prison and release the students.

He noted that students in Ukraine had left Ukraine and that they were taking advantage of the one-year EU offer to Poland and Germany.

"There are those who have been granted a residence permit. They do not want to return home. They just want to finish their education there," he said.

Earlier, the BBC spoke to students who had fled the war, saying that they had received daily support from volunteers and that they were in trouble.

Asked about this, the ambassador went to the Ukrainian-Polish border and talked to the leaders of the Ethiopian community in Poland and a committee has been formed to support the students.

"The embassy is monitoring the rights of citizens, helping them to cross the border, not monitoring the immigration process of every citizen to return to their homeland," he said.

There are thousands of students from various African countries studying in Ukraine, with the highest number being Moroccans (8,000), Nigeria (4,000) and Egypt (3,500) and a small number of Ethiopian students in Ukraine, according to the BBC.

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HR 6600 Bill not only undermines Ethiopian-US friendship, but also threatens Horn of Africa peace

 HR 6600 Bill not only undermines Ethiopian-US friendship, but also threatens Horn of Africa peace

Ministry of Foreign Affairs says HR 6600 bill not only threatens long-term friendship between Ethiopia and US.

Foreign Ministry Spokeswoman Dina Mufti

Foreign Ministry Spokeswoman Dina Mufti said Ethiopian-US relations, both public and private, have a long history.

He also mentioned that they are cooperating in the fight against terrorism in the Horn of Africa and for peace and stability in the region.

He said Ethiopia is committed to strengthening its cooperation and long-standing friendship with the United States, despite disagreements over certain issues.

He noted that in recent years, there have been a number of activities in the United States that have strained relations between the two countries.

Ambassador Dina said the HR 6600 bill, drafted by members of the US Congress, is intended to put undue pressure on Ethiopia and undermine relations between the two countries.

He said the US Congress, while promoting the idea as a legislative body, said the bill would hamper good relations between the two countries and jeopardize peace in the Horn of Africa.

He said the United States is working to further strengthen bilateral relations.

According to ENA, the Diaspora, in particular, has been criticized for its rejection of the HR 6600 movement.

He said the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is undertaking various activities to prevent the draft law from being approved. "We are explaining the harmful effects of the draft law to the relevant US institutions," he said.

He said there are those in the US Congress who understand the reality and support Ethiopia, adding that they believe they will work to prevent the draft law from being passed.

The Ethiopian and Eritrean Diaspora recalled the recent demonstration in New Jersey and called on it to continue in other areas.

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What is the NAMA doing? Taher Mohammed answers questions from the audience


Regarding our National Movement of Amhara (NAMA): We are facing the same challenge that every political party can face. This is something that can always happen. It is important to remember that the positive feedback from our well-meaning supporters is a source of concern for their organization. On the other hand, those who claim to destroy the NAMA are the enemies of our people and our organization, who are resentful of our struggle for justice. Nevertheless, we are ready to take on the historic responsibility of making the most of our upcoming conferences. Thank you, dear brothers and sisters, for joining us on this journey. - Tahir Mohammed (NAMA)

Tigray State Religious Institutions Decision Political or Offensive?

 Tigray State Religious Institutions Decision Political or Offensive?

Many have been displaced by fighting in the north of the country for the past 16 months. Millions of dollars worth of property was destroyed. Hundreds of thousands are exposed to food and medicine shortages.

Patriarch Abune Mathias of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church

In addition to the human and material damage caused by the war, it is casting its shadow over religious institutions. A few weeks ago, Christian and Islamic leaders in the Tigray region announced their separation from the center's religious institutions.

Separation decision

Three weeks ago, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (EOTC) announced that it had terminated its administrative relationship with the Archdiocese of Tigray and established a new church.

Following this, the Tigray Islamic Affairs Council, for its part, said it had severed ties with the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Council.

However, Haji Mohammed Siraj, a member of the Ulema Council and head of the Peace and Reconciliation Council of the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Council, said it was inappropriate to say "we are divided."

"We are people of one country," he said. "They know the problem in Tigray is not a problem in the rest of Ethiopia," he told the BBC.

Dr. Tekalign Nega, a theology teacher at Addis Ababa University and the Ethiopian Postgraduate School of Theology and co-founder of the 'Partner' movement ', said the Tigray Council is continuing as it is organized at the regional level.

However, they argue that the structure of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church cannot be said to be primarily regional.

They argue that the actions of religious institutions are "politically motivated."

"In such a division, I think it is a very politically motivated decision because it is not limited to sitting through their representatives and openly discussing their differences with each other."

Patriarch Abune Mathias of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church said in March 2021 that there were problems in various parts of the country.

The message was recorded by Professor Dennis Woodley of St. Fremantos College in the United States.

Neither the Holy Synod nor the Ethiopian Archdiocese has commented on the casualties, the loss of religious institutions and the laity.

Following the decision of the Tigrayan Patriarchs, the BBC repeatedly tried to get a response from the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, but to no avail.

Complaint

The reason for the split between the Islamic and Orthodox Churches in Tigray is that federal religious institutions have not condemned the violence against the people and places of worship in Tigray.

"Peaceful Muslims, imams and ulama were killed during the war," Sheikh Adam Abdul Qadir, president of the Tigray Islamic Affairs Council, told VOA.

"Religious leaders do not fight with weapons. However, large numbers of Muslims have been killed. The Al-Najashi Mosque has been deliberately damaged. All this is known when there is a problem. We have told them our problem. But they do not understand."

As a result, relations with the Federal Council for Islamic Affairs have been severed.

Haji Mohammed Siraj, for his part, recalled that more than 110 mosques in Afar and North Wollo were damaged as a result of the fighting.

"This problem is hurting everyone. Many clerics and Qur'anic teachers have died. We say this is our own conflict. We do not support the militants here or there. We are talking about bloodshed, property destruction and religious institutions."

Kemal Mohammed Yassin, a devout Muslim in the United Arab Emirates, said he believed the council's action was "correct but not justified."

"It is enough to read the reports to find out the damage done to the region as a result of the war.

Haji Mohammed Siraj, however, has repeatedly stated that there is no need for war.

".... We don't know why they say that. "

Dr. Tekalign, for his part, argues that the implications of these decisions are contradictory, citing the lack of a new article of faith [Articles of Faith] created by these faith-loving families.

"When you go through the crisis, you have to stand with the person who is hurting us in a direct or indirect way. I think we have resentment in this matter. "I think their grievances are expressed."

Politics and religion

In November 2021, Mohammed Girma, author of Understanding Religion and Society in Ethiopia and a professor at Rohampton University, said: "Religion once saved Ethiopia; What will it do to save the country from collapse? ' He argues that Ethiopia's social and political crisis stems from the moral collapse of religious institutions.

The article, published by the Berkeley Center for Religion, Peace and World Relations, criticizes "religious groups are responsible for the loss of moral compass in society because they cannot be a source of peace and reconciliation."

He said the church government was hurting civilians and that other priests were supporting the government.

"This indicates that religious institutions are in a state of crisis," he said.

For his part, Dr. Tekalign Nega said, "It is a time when we are all in pain. At this time, we all want the voice to be heard.

Abba Sereke-Berhan Woldesamuel, a former head of education and training at the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, now a minister at St. Mary's Church in Melbourne, Australia, said the decision was "a betrayal" of the people of Tigray.

"The leader of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Holy Synod, who is in charge of protecting my sheep, should have condemned and opposed what was happening in Tigray. But the people are sad and the priests are sad," he said.

For his part, Haji Mohammed, a member of the Ulama Council of the Islamic Affairs of Ethiopia and head of the Peace and Reconciliation Sector, said:

According to Kemal, a follower of Islam, the Tigray Islamic Affairs Council and Ethiopia have been criticized for "making it a political tool" due to political mistakes.

However, he said that in the face of persecution in Islam, there are three things to be expected of the believer and the institution.

He said he felt "standing with the victim, exposing the abuse, and disgusting what is being done if not possible. But our federal leaders are on the opposite side."

"Sooner or later, our people will disappear. But sooner or later, racism is spreading, we are losing our brothers, sisters, fathers and mothers. People are dying from all directions;

"We believe that Afar, Amhara, Tigray and Oromia are our brothers and sisters who are being displaced and suffering. We need to condemn this," said Haji Mohammed.

According to Dr. Tekalign, there is no condemnation of the abuse of religious families and the failure to provide the necessary support. "It is not a religious process," he said.

"It is not clear why the accused party did not respond. We hear the blame is coming from all [federal and state] levels. They add.

Upcoming Concerns

Girma Mohammed said there was a need for change in religious institutions, adding that they needed to be united and free from political pressure.

Dr. Tekalign said political stability must first be found to resolve the differences between the state and federal religious institutions. "If future politics create peace, trust and coexistence, it will not be difficult to reconcile those who are divided," he said.

"If the policy is correct, religious institutions will cry out to each other, say we have done wrong, and I think it will be corrected because they can fall under the other foot and apologize," he said.

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