Interview with Eskinder Nega by Ethiopian Reporter Journalist.
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| Eskinder Nega for True Democratic Party Chair person |
The EPRDF was formed in 1990. He never lost sight of the Ethiopian political scene after launching one of his first public press releases. His journey as a journalist has changed its face and now he has become a politician. Eskinder Nega, a journalist and political activist, was released on January 8, 2022. On Christmas Eve, he was released from prison and resumed his political activities. In 2022 Addis Ababa-based and presidential-led Balderas is in the process of meeting the conditions for a true Democratic Party to grow into a national party. The following is an excerpt from an interview with Eskinder Nega by Samson Berhane and Emmanuel Yilkal.
How did you start Ethiopis journal, your first newspaper? What inspired you?
Eskinder: I have lived for a long time, and when I came back, there was a change in Ethiopia. At the time, there were several magazines and a newspaper called Eye. The magazines also said that they did not have the courage to go out and criticize the government. I did not have the courage or the adventures of some, but I knew what a free press in America was, so I brought the experience here. I did not work for the American newspaper. But because I read like everyone else, I know the context. After I came here and started the Ethiopian newspaper, it was my newspaper that dared to criticize the government in person. That was the case until October 2005. We continued. We have never had peace with the government and the TPLF since then. He had many ups and downs. I was imprisoned for ten years and subjected to various forms of torture. From being whipped to whipping. But my involvement in that time was limited to journalism. It was the TPLF then, now it is the ODP. It has been a year and a half since ODP came to power. In all, I was imprisoned for 11 and a half years.
The Reporter: The first time you were arrested was in connection with an article entitled "Fascism in Tigray". Why did you say "fascism in Tigray"? Do you think my arrest was justified?
Eskinder Nega: "Fascism in Tigray" was the second edition. The first issue was "Massacre at Six Kilo." Addis Ababa University protests against Eritrean secession. This situation angered the government. "Fascism in Tigray" was added here. Tefera Asmare was the chief editor, I was a publisher then. But we worked together as journalists. We can not say "fascism in Tigray" because we are emotional or hate the government. This is because of the situation on the ground. If you are found to be a member of a non-TPLF political party in Tigray at the time, you will be released from prison. You cannot be a member, you are afraid to talk to you, you are afraid to come to your house. You are generally excluded from your social life. The people of Tigray at the time were saying, "When the Derg fell and Shoa was liberated, Tigray suffered worse." The situation in Tigray could be described as "totalitarianism". This means a government that wants to control your daily activities. Not only did he get involved in politics but he also wanted to get involved in your daily activities. In Addis Ababa, there was "autonomy". To put it bluntly, there is no such thing as a free press in Tigray. In Addis Ababa, however, a private press could have been published. After the fall of the Addis Ababa Derg, democracy was better than Tigray, as democracy was needed. That's what we call "fascism in Tigray."
Reporter: You are now telling me that "fascism in Tigray" was written because the people of Tigray were not allowed to express themselves freely. But then there is the blame for what happened. "Get rid of Judas" was a column written by Thaddeus Tantu. The articles in this column will accuse you of insulting a nation, especially the people of Tigray. Doesn't this contradict what you just said?
Eskinder Nega: Yes, it is very contradictory. I am now called an anti-Oromo. So the context has changed. What do I mean? Dictators always use the nickname when they face strong opposition. By the way, when it comes to "Get rid of the Jews", there is always an anti-Semitic article on it. Anyone can go to the core newspaper where the article was published. There was always an objection to "Get rid of Judas". When "Judas Is Away" began and was hosted, it was mostly about history. We were thinking of Emperor John. The reason for this was that when the British came to Magdala to invade Ethiopia, Emperor Yohannes' army received them in Hamas. He took him from Hamas and led the way to Emperor Tedros, where Emperor Tedros died. "This is a betrayal," Thaddeus Tantu said. That is the origin of the culture in which apostasy originated. He says we must separate him. Now a culture of apostasy has come, and Ethiopia is on the verge of collapse. The scholarly basis of the argument is that when we look for this source we do not see this story properly. The TPLF is the result of this history of apostasy. We must not look at the TPLF in isolation.
The Reporter: Do you believe this is the story of Emperor John? Or does he just not pay attention when you tell him something to do?
Eskinder Nega: At that time, when the British came, they were greeted by Emperor Yohannes, better known as Zibz Kassa. When the British arrived in Wag, for example, they were welcomed by Emperor Tekle Giorgis, also known as Wag Shum. He is the one who brought them across the aisle. So it is our common Ethiopian history. He was not the only actor to be compensated. But we did not see it well. I believe this, which is why we repeat that mistake. It was with this in mind that I allowed the article to be hosted. By the way, I did not see every line when the article "Get rid of Judas" came out, it is not something I can do. I edited three newspapers at the time, very few people. What we call the guerrilla journalism of the time. We were fighting against the government with one hand. We also had a severe shortage of resources and manpower. Because we were in this situation, there were things that I had never seen before. I do not argue that things should not be said in this process. The purpose, however, was not to tarnish the image of the people of Tigray. As I said, there was always a text that contradicted that text in order to strike a balance. Certainly not the enemy of the people of Tigray, I am not, I cannot be. I am still not an enemy of the Oromo people, I am not, I cannot be. By the way, Tadiyos Tantu entered politics to oppose ethnic politics. Tribal politics is what destroys Ethiopia, and the TPLF fights the burning of ethnic politics by fighting the TPLF. What is the solution? He says ethnic politics should be banned, as is the case in other African countries.
We should not see the TPLF, which is fueling ethnic politics, as an isolated event. The source of the TPLF has a history. This story dates back to the British invasion. That means we have to look at this. But is it presented the way I do now? is not. We are also responsible for the contents of the newspaper. We cannot dismiss it as a free forum. He may have made a mistake in writing, and we may have made a mistake in editing. I do not argue that no mistake was made in that process. There may be a mistake made, I apologize for the mistake. If there is an error. In the end, it is not to label the people of Tigray as hostile.
Reporter: You have won awards for your journalism work. Many people also say that you pay a high price for journalism. Some say Eskinder is not a journalist, he is biased towards activism and politics. What do you think I have contributed to journalism?
Eskinder Nega: This is a good question. By the way, journalism can only be practiced in a democratic context. Implementing the ethics of journalism requires a democratic context. Without this, the first challenge you will face is to practice pure journalism. You do not want to be frustrated if you cannot get the right pitch so invest in a good capo. He hates you because he does not want the truth. Therefore, a democratic system is a must to practice journalism. You are not fighting against the government just because you are discriminated against. Because dictatorship does not accept journalism. So the first challenge you will face is that you will not be able to apply your skills. When you fail to practice your profession, your first priority is to protect your rights. You will be forced to become an activist, as the situation on the ground forces you. The Ethiopian Free Press has gone through this process. His primary goal was to become a journalist. But in the second issue of "Fascism in Tigray," I was imprisoned and beaten. I was first beaten by "Fascism in Tigray" in Maekelawi. My question after that is not to respect the rights of the community. It is my right to be respected. So I had to take up journalism with one hand and activism with the other. Although I speak as an individual, this is generally the experience of a free press. This is what the truth on earth teaches us.
We have not been able to bring journalism in the United States and the West to Ethiopia. why? Because the context in which they operate is different from ours. First we have to fight for our rights. When it comes to democracy, we must talk about the ethics of journalism. We run his journalism and activism side by side out of necessity, not out of curiosity. Unless you accept the offer. You could move on in the context of the system. In any system, there are two kinds of questions. You can focus on performance or systemic issues. The government will not touch you if you say you are involved in political journalism and only focus on performance issues and governance issues. Because he wants to qualify the system. When the system is efficient, it will extend its lifespan. He does not hate journalism, which criticizes the government. If I wanted to do that, I would be very profitable on time. I could have published a newspaper with a lot of advertising while living in harmony with the system. In fact, he gave me a better chance than other journalists to set an example for the returning Diaspora. But that was not my choice. The country's problems are not administrative, they are systemic. When you focus on systemic problems, you are in for a rude awakening. What did you contribute to journalism? If it was a matter of promoting pure journalism in Ethiopia, I would not have had the opportunity to do so. I wasted my time fighting as a journalist who chose to expose the corruption of the system. If there was a democracy in Ethiopia and I would return to my profession, I would be able to say that I have contributed to journalism.
The Reporter: So how did you get into politics without being a journalist?
Eskinder Nega: TPLF also refused to give me a newspaper license on the grounds that I did not comply with the law. In 2007 when we got out of prison, we thought that journalism and politics would return to normal. After we left, he said he would no longer give me a newspaper license. During this time, I became involved in human rights before politics. Since then, since 2011 Until 2017 I was in prison for six and a half years. While I was going out and working in Ethiopia, the issue of Addis Ababa's special interest came up. In response, I entered into advocacy, not politics. It was a civil society organization called the Addis Ababa Board of Trustees. We did not have a political party to carry out our mission. If you do not have a political party to pursue your agenda, your argument is pointless. With the disappearance of such a political party in the Ethiopian arena, we have been able to transform what was once a civil society institution into a political party. I was forced to move from journalism to civil society, from civil society to politics. I am now a full-time politician.
The Reporter: The goal of your transition from civil society to political party was to protect the rights of the people of Addis Ababa. I think that's why the party is limited at the Addis Ababa level. However, in a statement issued after his release, he said, "Our initial plan was to become a national party." How do you reconcile this?
Eskinder Nega: The Addis Ababa issue is a problem born of national politics. There is no problem with Addis Ababa alone. The failure of a national democracy has created many problems for a dictatorship. One of the problems is the Addis Ababa issue. When we came to civil society, we identified one of the problems of the system and based it on the problems in Addis Ababa. Our goal was to implement the Addis Ababa case through national political parties. Our focus was on the hope we had. We said no special interest should be done. With this agenda in mind, we went first and foremost to the people, and beyond, to the people we chose as our political party. But Ezema could not go the way we wanted. His closeness to the ruling party did not make us comfortable. Not only for us but also for the people. Instead of being an alternative to the ruling party, the ruling party is almost certainly in the process of making another coin. So the issue we are arguing about has no owner in the next election. We do not have a supplier to sell. The people have seen this, and we see it as a leadership. Who are you going to turn the people into a government policy? He says you have to grow into a political party and do what you say.
As I said before, the problem of nationalism cannot be solved at the Addis Ababa level. It can only be resolved by the Federal House of Representatives. So when we moved to a political party, we realized that the party we were to form should be a national and a national party, as well as a coalition of others, with a majority in parliament. However, when we made that decision in February 2019, We arrived. Elections are four months away in May. If we form a national political party, we will not be able to form a national party in four months. Our choice is to form a political party that operates only at the Addis Ababa level, to compete only in Addis Ababa and to remain a national party in the next election. This is how we plan. We have made this clear in our program. Now is the time for us to hold a meeting, to carry out the vision that we had originally set for the meeting. Beyond that, Ethiopian politics needs Addis Ababa's contribution. Addis Ababa's participation is crucial to overcome the current crisis. Addis Ababa is out of Ethiopian politics after the EPRDF and the Red Terror. Until the Red Terror in the EPRDF, national politics dominated. After Addis Ababa was reduced to Ethiopian politics, however, ethnic politics continued to escalate. We see Addis Ababa's return to politics as an average bridge, not a wall in Ethiopian politics.
The Reporter: The Balderas was formed to address the Addis Ababa issue, from civil society to political parties. What do you think is the problem of Addis Ababa as a party?
Eskinder: If we look at the broad political situation, the people of Addis Ababa want another democratic Ethiopia that the Ethiopian people want. In general, the vision and aspirations of the Ethiopian people are expressed in a democratic Ethiopia. A country where there is no danger of disintegration, and whose unity is guaranteed. The second is universal democracy in the other world. What is needed is not a new political system that we Ethiopians will gather, as the Prime Minister is now saying. Global democracy is practiced in the United States, Western Europe, India, South Africa, Japan, and other countries. There is a democracy in every country, that is the vision of the Ethiopian people. The vision of the people of Addis Ababa is part of this vision of the Ethiopian people. Dictatorships, however, are plagued by problems. Addis Ababa also has a problem. What we call Addis Ababa's problem is this so-called special interest problem. When the trustee left, we had a special interest. This means that 80% of Addis Ababa's population is immigrants, living on human land. My relatives came across the Nile. Even though I was born here, Eskinder's relatives have come across the Nile. They have displaced the people here in Addis Ababa. So the origin of the Addis Ababa problem was that Eskinder had to pay special attention to his owners. Now that the OPD has taken power, it is not enough to say that special interest is not enough.
I now have a ownership claim in Addis Ababa. It is my country, where I was born. Not just because I was born. Probably a factor as to why they're doing so poorly. However, this is not the case. The land is not Ethiopian but Oromo, the rest of you have to accept this. This is the problem of Addis Ababa. Discrimination from Oromo nationalists is discrimination. This is what an Addis Ababa owner and an Addis Ababa immigrant say. City officials are pursuing this agenda more than ever. It is generally a democratic system. Addis Ababa's problem is exacerbated. Consider the issue of the flag that landed many of our members in prison. No one will tell you if you go to Amhara, Afar, Somali, Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambella, and Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People's Region (SNNPR) with a clean flag. You cannot move in Oromia with this flag. Outside of Oromia, this flag is causing problems in Addis Ababa. Is it because the people of Addis Ababa do not want this flag? is not. This is because there is a movement to make Addis Ababa a shadow of Oromia. Addis Ababa's crisis is at an all-time high. There is a plan to destroy Addis Ababa and make it one of the cities of Oromia.
The Reporter: It has been said that Addis Ababa needs more than one working language. After Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power, a new language policy was developed and plans were made to make five languages the working language. In this regard, what is the problem with practicing public, making students learn a new language? Especially since Oromo has a large number of speakers.
Eskinder Nega: The problem is that it is out of principle. First, the law needs to be changed so that more than one working language is needed in Addis Ababa. When the government is above the law, it makes us all disobedient to the law. It leads us into chaos. In principle, it should be done in an orderly manner, even if there is no problem. It is the government that must obey the law above all else.
Another is that we all agree that we need more than one working language nationally. In Addis Ababa, however, there is no consensus on whether there should be more than one working language. Addis Ababa does not need more than one working language, Amharic is sufficient. There is no reason why Oromo should be the second working language at the Addis Ababa level. We did not discuss this issue. Let me be clear, an Addis Ababa resident does not want Oromo to be his second language. This is not because of his hatred of the Oromo people. We need to bring this issue to the forefront. At the Addis Ababa level, there is no idea that an additional working language is needed. As a journalist, as a politician, as a city dweller I have never heard of this.
Eskinder: If we look at the issue in this regard, the question is even worse in the Oromia region. Oromia is the region where residents from all over the country gather. See Nazareth and the Mount of Olives nearby. Most people in Oromia do not speak Oromo. If this question arises, it will not be raised in Addis Ababa alone. It rises above all else in Oromia. Has Oromia ever been the working language in Oromia other than Oromo? If we talk about it, we will not only talk about Addis Ababa, we will talk about Oromia more than anyone else. If Oromo is to be the working language in Addis Ababa, Amharic should be the working language in Oromia. There are millions of people who have this question.
Reporter: The most common criticism of Balderas as a party is that it focuses on one event. You will be criticized for not having a structural problem that you can solve, but for areas where there is noise. As you said, the problem in Addis Ababa is systematic. How prepared are you as a party to solve this systemic problem? What are the solution options for your policy options?
Eskinder: Why do you focus on events such as demolition and small issues? Complaints about not focusing on big issues come from two sources. One is sincerity. Another is that the regime is trying to silence us, reduce criticism of the system, and bring us back to normalcy because of the tension in the system.
First, we need to identify the source of the events we are following. We can say it is an abuse of power. We can say that the demolition of the house is due to the mismanagement of the executive by the government. Or it may be that there is a plan to demolish the house, and we can say that the Oromo project is a manifestation. We believe that we are pursuing these events as a result of a policy that is in conflict with history, that says it will change the demographics of Addis Ababa. When we go to these events, we go looking for politics. We are not going to say it is a maladministration. This is a great thing, there is a movement that can disperse this country from the center, not from the outside. We are going to have a little bit of resolution here before this issue grows and destroys this country. Those who say it is a small thing are those who believe it is an administrative offense. We do not believe it is a small thing, it is a manifestation of something big. We must provoke the people by following these profiles. We are harassing the people saying that you are in big trouble. And the people in the same system are also there because there is a difference.
By the way, the new party does not need to talk about what the fundamental problem of Ethiopian politics is. Nor does it require regular policies. We know what he wants. We are talking about the implementation details. The first solution is unity. There is a danger of unity in our country, we must return this together. The federal government will address this issue first. We must gather around this, putting aside our differences. This problem is being faced by the TPLF. Solution A new policy does not require a new perspective. Ethiopia will not be divided, we must take the position that the rights of nationalities will not be enforced in Ethiopia until secession. We have arrived at this application on time. Just as the Nigerian government forcibly overthrew Biafra separatists when it claimed independence from Nigeria, so the government in Ethiopia must enforce its sovereignty if it so clearly declares that no secession can be achieved for any organization. The second solution, as I said before, is that we need a global democracy. He knows what he needs. The struggle is needed to implement it.
The Reporter: We are witnessing the question of ethnicity reaching the point of independence. Doesn't it contradict the values of the democratic system that you say a nation does not want to continue in the federation, it says it needs to be forcibly prevented from doing so?
Eskinder Nega: Take India as an example. It is one of the most democratic countries in the world. In India, however, secession is not possible. Look at Kashmir, they have no other choice, to secede from India. They say we are Muslims, we should be part of Pakistan. India has been fighting for secession for the past 70 or 80 years since independence. Outside Kashmir, other parts of India are on the verge of secession. In India, however, it is clearly stated that secession is not possible. India, on the other hand, is widely regarded as an example of democracy in the West, Africa, and Asia. Fighting the Kashmiri, saying they could not secede, did not make it a democratic country. This is not the standard of democracy. The right to secession is not a democratic right. In a united country like Ethiopia, it is a call for crisis and anarchy. It is a call that does not create a democratic context. This is not possible in South Africa. Nigeria's secession from the Biafran war is unlikely. But I do not think these countries are democratic.
If we were to go to Europe, we would have to look at the Catalan issue in Spain. The people of Catalonia have decided whether they want secession. The majority of Catalans voted in favor of secession. Now, with the arrest of the regional authorities, they have fled to Belgium. They were sentenced to life imprisonment. Has Spain become a democracy? The first prerequisite for overcoming the danger of collapse and building democracy in Ethiopia is the unequivocal prohibition of secession. This is not to say that we have come up with this model after you have studied and discussed it. Balderas' leadership and members did not do this. We have seen the example of the other world. He wants us to walk in the way of the test. We are the ones who say we have a new way of being isolated from the rest of the world. There is not a single example of the right to secession in the world. Because it is impossible in another world. It is impossible to build a democratic system. This is the ideology and article that brought Ethiopia to war, and we think immigrants in Addis Ababa.
The Reporter: Do you think that when it comes to secession in Ethiopia, they are quoting countries and they are not doing it? Does the fact that other countries do not do this mean that they do not?
Eskinder: We have the benefit of being late. You must learn from those who have gone before you. We must learn from other countries. We should not start with A. We do not directly apply their experience to them. But we have to look at how other countries like us have gone and implemented democracy. We all learn that the right to secession is impossible. They are not saying this out of emotion. You cannot build a stable democracy in a country where there is no certainty that this country will disintegrate. Democracy can only be created once you are convinced that it is a country that exists and will continue to exist. You build a house in one area only when you are sure that you will live in it. We cannot argue with this. We need to be willing to stay together as a nation. We will bring this willingness when we are determined to keep this country afloat. We cannot build a common economy and democracy without this position. We need to learn this from other countries.
We have not tried it for the last 30 years. When the TPLF came to power, it snuffed out and went to secession. The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) will be ousted tomorrow.
The Reporter: The question of nationalities has been raised, especially since the 1967s. There are those who believe that the establishment of a language-based federalism system after the EPRDF came to power has, to some extent, answered the question, but still remains to be seen. What is your view on the question of nationalities?
Eskinder: During the student movement, he argued that the language of nationalities was not the language of education and work, and that nations had no territory of their own. If we follow this standard, there will still be racial oppression in all African countries. Indigenous languages are not the working language of any African country, including neighboring Kenya. Oromo is spoken in Kenya. Since Oromo is not the working language in Kenya, is the Oromo in Kenya a victim of ethnic oppression? Are colonies being bought? By what standards do the students say Ethiopia is a prison for nationalities? The language policy of the emperors was no different from that of other African nations. During the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie, the fact that all Ethiopian students were taught in one language was not the same as the experience in other countries. The practice of that time continued, changing only in Ethiopia.
The Reporter: Can it be justified not to apply in other countries?
Eskinder Nega: What makes our nation different from other nations in another country?
The Reporter: What if the people ask?
Eskinder: If the people raise it, it must be returned. But are they students? Or did the people raise the question?
The Reporter: Even though the students raised the issue, the question is still being debated by both Oromo scholars and pro-ethnic federalists. He went to the Amhara region and gave birth to a father. Considering these, we cannot say that the people did not raise this question. That's why the parties were recently elected to parliament. Is it possible that the people did not ask questions?
Eskinder: When the students described Ethiopia as a prison for nationalities, did they say that Ethiopia is a prison for our country, that Amhara is being colonized? They did not answer. I accept that after the TPLF has come to power, a generation of like-minded people has emerged. He is over 30 years old. A new reality has been created. We must not go back, and I will accept it. But we must understand our history correctly. Was Ethiopia a Prison of Nations? Is it a country where nationalities are particularly oppressed? Were the emperors an enemy of nations? If we ask, it is a mistake that the student movement is making. It is more than a mistake.
We must accept the new reality. I'm not saying let's go back. But to find a solution, we must know exactly what we are made of. Only when we understand the history of our country can we reach a solution.
The Reporter: There is a lot of debate about whether the question of ethnicity was raised before the student movement. There are scholars who argue that peasant revolts, like my husband, fall into this category. During the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie, a student from the province could not enter the university unless he had completed all his education. Can't this be considered ethnic oppression?
Eskinder: If you go to Kenya, they have a working language. You must be able to speak English to enter university. If you go to Côte d'Ivoire, you must be able to speak French. In Ethiopia, Amharic was chosen as the national language. In Kenya, Côte d'Ivoire, and Ethiopia, one language has been chosen. We did not choose European language. We chose the Ethiopian language. It is said that you must learn that language. why? A student spends his wealth in government to get into society.
The Reporter: But it is not just for the Amharic-speaking community?
The Reporter: What do you think is the solution to the current crisis in Ethiopia?
Eskinder Closer: First of all, we don't think we should go back to the past. We do not consider it necessary to comment on such fabrications. The current situation, for example, can be said to be the language of education and work. We do not guarantee this. We have to get rid of the clutter. We have to accept that this is the reality of our nation. We must use it for good. At the same time, nationalism is a good thing. We must take it with us. But our ultimate goal must be national unity. That does not mean that national organization is worthless. It has a place. Because it is the epitome of modernity. Although our long-term vision requires a national survey, we must be able to buy our time and move forward. This is probably what sets us apart from other unions. We accept the reality. We recognize that the proliferation of ethnic politics can be used for good, that we can incorporate it into the Ethiopian context, and that it can be an input to maintain the unity of this country and to build a democratic system. What I still want to emphasize is that the last survey should be about nationalism. This is how we go about establishing a national organization. Our goals and visions go hand in hand with the present. Ethiopia has never been a prison for nationalities, I want to emphasize this. Ethiopia has never borne a heavy burden on its nationalities and debts. Ethiopia's nationalities have not suffered in any way. Our greatest national mission is to break free from the fabrications of this student movement.
The Reporter: Let's get out of politics and talk about Eskinder focusing on politics and journalism. When was the last time you saw your family? Is your struggle worth it because you spend so much time in prison with your family?
Eskinder: It is my daily burden. But now I can't go to see my family because the US embassy was not issuing visas to any Ethiopian until last Monday. When I was released from prison, I went to the front and thanked our brothers for their commitment to Ethiopian unity. It was not a matter of prioritizing this. When I was released, I had to thank them for making my country a better place. When I returned, I went to the US Embassy to visit my family. Although I have a renewed visa every two years, I was told I could not renew when I left. They told me the visa service had stopped. 15 days have passed since I was told to wait 15 days. I went and applied early last week. I'm waiting for the result. As soon as I received my visa, I went to the United States to visit my family. But the sad thing is, if you tell me what you want out of it, you have to be with my family. This is my first wish. But I also have a big responsibility. I will not be able to fulfill that desire, so I will return soon. Not spending as much time with them as I would like. The biggest solution and the best for me is to return my family home if there is no more danger in Ethiopia. There is no context in Ethiopia since I was released from prison three years ago. God willing, if the US Embassy gives me a visa, I want to see my family.
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