Brutal Ethiopian tribal ceremony sees females lashed to demonstrate dedication to their men

A tribal ceremony during which young women are whipped in order to show the sacrifices they make for men is revealed in a series of photographs.

Members of the Hamar tribe in Ethiopia believe the elaborate scars demonstrate a woman's capacity for love, and if they fall on hard times later in life it allows them to call on those who whipped them for help.

Women are whipped as part of a Rite of Passage ceremony for boys, when female family members declare their love for the young man at the heart of the celebration. 

After the ceremony the boy becomes a man, and is allowed to marry. 

The brutal tradition is known as Ukuli Bula, and was captured by photographer Jeremy Hunter. Instead of fleeing, women beg men to whip them again during the ceremony, held in the Omo River Valley. 

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Hamar women of the Lower Omo Valley, Southern Ethiopia willingly submit themselves to be whipped during the ceremony of Ukuli Bula

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The ceremony is believed to be a demonstration of the women's capacity for love, and in later life - perhaps when they've become widowed - they will look to the boys who whipped them years before to request help. The scars on her back are said to be proof of her sacrifice for the man, and it is therefore impossible for the man to refuse her needs in hard times or emergencies

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To reach manhood, Hamar boys must undergo two rituals: circumcision and a leap over the bulls. This determines whether the young Hamar male is ready to make the social jump from youth to adulthood. After a successful bull-jump - always naked - the Hamar boy, now a Maz - a mature member of the society - may get married. During this, he is expected to walk over 15 cows

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Men can make the transition to manhood if they can successfully complete a bull jump, carried out why naked. They are required to walk over 15 cattle in the ceremony, after which they are allowed to marry

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 Some whipping appears to be tender, others more aggressive. Women coat their bodies with butter to lessen the effect of the whipping which is only carried out by Maza - those who have already undergone this Rite-of-Passage

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Hamar women are some of the most elaborately dressed of the region - with goatskin skirts decorated with glass beads, whilst their hair is covered with a mixture of grease and red ochre. Elaborate scarification of the body is also the custom of the Hamar

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For Hamar women, beatings are not just part of an initiation ritual - they are daily life until at least two children have been born. Under Hamar rules, a man need not explain why he's delivering a beating. It is his prerogative to mete out as he sees fit

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The majority of the 20,000 strong Hamar people live in the Omo River Valley, a fertile part of the vast Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples' Region of south-west Ethiopia, which is bordered by Kenya and South Sudan. Most still live in traditional villages, although growing numbers are migrating to the region's cities and towns as well as the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa

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Cattle form the axis around which the Hamar's world revolves, evidenced by the fact that there are 27 different words to describe the colour of a cow in the local language

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No screaming is permitted by the men wielding the canes but the women don't care. Instead of fleeing, they beg the men to do it again and again until blood flows, dripping into the gritty red dust of the Omo River Valley

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A woman's body carries the injuries from the whipping, carried out by a Maza from the tribe, and he scars are said to demonstrate her capacity for love. The brutal tradition happens at Rite of Passage ceremonies for tribal men

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The women trumpet and sing, extolling the virtues of the young man at the heart of the ceremony, declaring their love for him and for their desire to be marked by the whip

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A Hamar woman shows off her carefully braided hair and treasure trove of bright beads, shells and metal bangles. Most still live in traditional villages, although growing numbers are migrating to the region's cities and towns as well as the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa

For men, male decoration is simpler with the exception of their facial painting which denote status and progression up the social ladder.

A key element of the ceremony is the whipping of young women who are family members or relatives of the boy undertaking the Rite-of-Passage. The women trumpet and sing, extolling the virtues of the Jumper, declaring their love for him and for their desire to be marked by the whip. They coat their bodies with butter to lessen the effect of the whipping which is only carried out by Maza - those who have already undergone this Rite-of-Passage.

Some whipping appears to be tender, others more aggressive. But once whipped, the girls proudly show off their scars - as proof of their courage and integrity. Itís a kind of Insurance Policy. The ceremony tends to unite the family and is a demonstration of the womenís capacity for love, and in later life - perhaps when they've become widowed - they will look to the boys who whipped them years before to request help.The scars on her back are said to be proof of her sacrifice for the man, and it is therefore impossible for the man to refuse her needs in hard times or emergencies.

Hamar women of the Lower Omo Valley, Southern Ethiopia willingly submit themselves to be whipped during the ceremony of Ukuli Bula . It indicates their courage and capacity for love, and is a form of insurance policy. Should they fall on hard times in later life, they will look to the boy who whipped them to request help.

To the south of Addis Ababa, capital of Ethiopia, lies the tribal animist area. It stretches from Addis all the way to Lake Turkana, formerly known during colonial times as Lake Rudolph, which borders Kenya.

The italian historian Carlo Conti Rossini has described this part of Ethiopia to be a Museum of Peopleís as there are at least eight major tribal groups living here - numbering around 200,000,

who until recently were largely untouched by outside influences. But change is on the way, not least the impact of global phone technology - and the development of the countryís mineral resources by the Chinese.

The annual flooding of the Omo River has been the life-support for the tribal people of this region. For centuries the powerful flow and huge rise and fall of the river have provided up to three harvests a year for the indigenous peopleís staple crop - the highly nutritious SORGHUM

But in 2006 President Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia commissioned the construction of the tallest hydro-electric dam in Africa. The project was never put to tender, the tribal groups never consulted,

and conservation groups today believe that the dam will destroy an already fragile environment as well as the livelihoods of the tribes, which are closely linked to the river and its annual flood.

One of the most spectacular ceremonies in the Lower Omo Valley is the UKULI BULA ceremony of the Hamar tribal group; itís effectively a Rite-of-Passage from boy to manhood. And marriage.

To reach manhood, Hamar boys must undergo two rituals: circumcision and a leap over the bulls. This determines whether the young Hamar male is ready to make the social jump from youth to adulthood.

After a successful bull-jump - always naked - the Hamar boy, now a Maz - a mature member of the society - may get married.

At every ceremony around two hundred members of the Hamar (also spelt Hamer) participate in this life-changing event.

Photo shows: Young Hamar women coat their bodies with butter to lessen the effect of the whipping.

Anguish and unrest in Amhara over Ethiopian state of emergency

In the Ethiopian city of Gondar the chewing of the mildly narcotic plant khat stimulates animated conversation about recent events during the country’s ongoing state of emergency.

“If you kill your own people how are you a soldier – you are a terrorist,” says 32-year-old Tesfaye, plucking at a bunch of green leaves. He recently left the military after seven years of service around the border with Somalia. “I became a soldier to protect my people.”

Demonstrations last August in the country’s Amhara region, and particularly the cities of Bahir Dar (the region’s capital) and Gondar (the former historical seat of Ethiopian rule) signalled the spreading of protests to Ethiopia’s second most populated region.

For much of the previous year, protesters in the Oromia region, to the south of Amhara, had been engaged in anti-government demonstrations to highlight perceived discrimination against the Oromo people.

The Oromo and Amhara are Ethiopia’s largest ethnic groups and both claim they are excluded from the country’s political process and economic development.

On October 9th, 2016, following further unrest, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front party declared a six-month state of emergency, which was extended for four months at the end of March this year.

On the surface, the state of emergency’s measures including arbitrary arrests, curfews, bans on public assembly, and media and internet restrictions appear to have been successful in Amhara, as across the rest of the country.

Passive resistance

Now in Gondar and Bahir Dar, businesses are open and streets are busy, following months when the cities were flooded with military personnel under the co-ordination of a new entity known as the “Command Post”, and everyday life ground to a halt as locals shut up shop in a gesture of passive resistance.

Speaking to residents, however, it’s clear discontent hasn’t abated. Frustrations have grown for many due to what’s deemed gross governmental oppression.

“I know it takes time to become democratic, but when it’s been 25 years!” exclaims Stephanos, a hotel owner in Gondar. “Because we can’t protest we pray. People are saying: ‘Where are you God? Did you forget this land?’”

The four-month extension to the state of emergency contains less sweeping powers than before. Now police need warrants to arrest suspects or search their homes, and detention without trial has officially been ended. But grievances remain about what’s already happened.

“Someone will come and say they are with the Command Post and just tell you to go with them – you have no option but to obey,” Dawit, working in Gondar’s tourism industry, says of hundreds of locals arrested. “No one has any insurance of life.”

The government has been accused of imprisoning, torturing and abusing thousands of young people and killing hundreds more in order to restore a semblance of order.

“The short-term effect of the state of emergency [has been] continued fear and distrust of the regime by the Ethiopian people,” says Tewodrose Tirfe of the Amhara Association of America. He points to “continued loss of hope for a better form of government where basic human rights of the Ethiopians are respected, [and] deeper resentment and anger at the government driving young people to the armed struggle.”

Raw memories

For many Amhara the memories of what happened during protests last summer are still raw, especially for Bahir Dar residents.

Tens of thousands gathered in Bahir Dar’s centre on August 7th before marching along the main northeast-running road out of the city toward the Blue Nile river, carrying palm tree leaves and other greenery as symbols of peace.

But just over a kilometre on, the march descended into carnage. “Two people on my right side dropped dead,” says 23-year-old Haile, who was marching that day. “One had been shot in the head, one in the heart.”

It’s estimated 27 died that day, the death toll rising to 52 by the end of the week. A total of 227 civilians have died during unrest in the Amhara region, according to government figures, while others claim the figure is much higher.

“Security forces suddenly emerged from buildings and shot into the march for no reason,” says an Ethiopian priest, who spoke on condition of anonymity. “They were waiting for an excuse to shoot.”

Such violence was unprecedented for Bahir Dar, a popular tourist location, known for its tranquil lake and laid-back atmosphere. “The city went into shock for months,” says the priest.

But as the months have passed, normal daily life has gradually reasserted itself.

“People are tired of the trouble and want to get on with their lives,” says Eyob, a local tour operator. “But, then again, in a couple of years, who knows.”

Structural frictions

Many criticise the government for failing to address long-term structural frictions between Ethiopia’s proclaimed federal constitution and its actual centralist developmental state model, as well as failing to resolve increasing ethnic tensions.

“Three years ago I went to university and no one cared where you were from,” says Haile, a telecommunication engineer in Bahir Dar. “Now Amhara and Tigray students are fighting with each other.”

“Federalism is good and bad, as Ethiopia has all these different groups proud of their languages and cultures,” says Haile’s friend Joseph, who is half Tigrayan and half Amhara. “This government has kept the country together, if they disappeared we would be like Somalia. All the opposition does is protest, protest, they can’t do anything else.”

“The government has a chance for peace but they don’t have the mental skills to achieve it,” says tourist guide Teklemariam. “They are getting old, how can they innovate? They have no mind for it.”

Ethiopia’s vertiginous topography has challenged foreign invaders for centuries. But it’s potentially a headache for domestic rulers too, added to which militarism is a traditional virtue in the Amhara region.

“I saw dozens of soldiers at Gondar’s hospital with bullet and knife wounds,” says Henok, a student nurse, who took part in the protests. “The government controls the urban but not the rural areas.”

Resistance movement

In Gondar, young men talk admiringly of an Amhara resistance movement that for months has been attacking security forces amid the region’s mountains, cliffs and tight valleys.

“The farmers are ready to die for their land,” the Ethiopian priest says. “It’s all they have known, they have never been away from here.”

But others play down such claims.

“This has always been an area where state control has been more formal than real, and where banditry has flourished,” says René Lefort, visiting and writing about Ethiopia since the 1974 revolution that ended emperor Haile Selassie’s reign and brought in the Derg military dictatorship (which then fell to the current government in the 1991 revolution).

“If a movement of armed farmers exists, does it fall under this age-old banditry or is it linked in one way or another to more organised resistance?”

Either way, the government faces a serious challenge in winning over locals from all walks of life.

“The time of the Derg was better, they took from the rich and gave to the people,” says 65-year-old grandmother Indeshash, housebound in Gondar due to ongoing leg problems. “If my legs worked I would have protested.” Read more here

በአማራ 7ኛና 8ኛ ክፍል ትምህርቶችን ወደአማርኛ መመለስን ስለመቃወም

በአማራ 7ኛና 8ኛ ክፍል ትምህርቶችን ወደአማርኛ መመለስን ስለመቃወም

በሚቀጥለው አመት በአማራ “ክልል” ሰባተኛና ስምንተኛ ክፍል የሳይንስ ትምህርቶች ወደአማርኛ ይቀየራሉ የተባለው ነገር በጣም ጎጅ ነው፡፡ ከወዲሁ ተወግዞ ሊቆም ይገባዋል፡፡ ለተማሪዎች ሰባተኛና ስምንተኛ ክፍልን በእንግሊዝኛ መማር አስረኛ ክፍል እና ዘጠነኛ ክፍልን ቀላል ያደርግላቸዋል፡፡ ሲቀጥል የአስረኛ ክፍል ፈተና አገር አቀፍ ስለሆነ በእንግሊዝኛ እየተማሩ ከሚያድጉት ጋር በሚኖረው ውድድር የአማራ “ክልል” ተማሪዎች ተጎጅ ይሆናሉ፡፡ በራስ ቋንቋ መማር ጥሩ እንደሆነ ማንም አይክድም፡፡ ነገር ግን በራስ ቋንቋ መማር የሚጠቅመው ወይ ሁሉ የኢትዮጵያ ክፍሎች በአማርኛ ሲሰጥ ወይም የአማራ “ክልል” ተማሪዎች ከዘጠነኛ እስከ ዩኒቨርሲቲ መጨረሻ ድረስ ከራሳቸው “ክልል” ተማሪዎች ጋር ብቻ እየተወዳደሩ “በራሳቸው “ክልል” ብቻ የሚኖሩ ከሆነ ነው፡፡ ከዛ ውጭ ግን የአማራ “ክልል” ተማሪዎችን ወደሁዋላ ለመጎተት፣ ማለትም ሆነ ተብሎ ለመጉዳት እንደሚወጣ ፖሊሲ ይቆጠራል፡፡ ለምሳሌ እኔ ራሴ ሰባተኛና ስምንተኛን በአማርኛ ነበር የተማርኩት፡፡ በኋላ ዘጠነኛ ክፍል ስገባ ሁለት አመት ሙሉ የተማርኩትን እንደገና በእንግሊዝኛ ማጥናት ነበረብኝ፡፡ በጣም አስቸጋሪ ነበር፡፡ ይህም ማለት አሁን የአማራ “ክልል” ተማሪዎች በአማርኛ የሚማሩ ከሆነ ዘጠነኛ ክፍል ሀሳቦችን እና ጽንሰ ሀሳቦችን መረዳታቸው ይቀርና ትግላቸው ቋንቋውን ለማጥናት ይሆናል፡፡ ስለዚህ የአማራዎቹ ገና ቋንቋውን ሲለማመዱ ሌሎቹ በእንግሊዝኛ የተማሩት ራሱን ትምህርቱን በተሻለ የሚረዱበት እና በውድድሩ መሪዎች የሚሆኑበት ሁኔታ ይፈጠራል፡፡ ስለዚህ ይሄን ድርጊት እንደሚጎዳን አውቀን እንቃወም፡፡ Read more here

ናዚዝም በጀርመን ፣ ፋሽዝም በጣሊያን ቢቀበሩም በኢትዮጵያ ትንሣኤ አግኝተዋል!!!!

ናዚዝም በጀርመን ፣ ፋሽዝም በጣሊያን ቢቀበሩም በኢትዮጵያ ትንሣኤ አግኝተዋል!!!!

የትግሬ-ናዚዎች አዋጅ፦ «ዐማራን ከምድረ-ገፅ እናጠፋለን!

ወያኔ የተመሠረተበት ዓላማ እና ተልዕኮ በድርጅቱ ማኒፌስቶ በግልፅ የሠፈረው አቋሙ ነው። ወያኔዎች ተዋጊዎቻቸውን ከሚቀሰቅሱባቸው መፈክሮች «ገረብ ገረብ ትግራይ፣ መቃብር ኣምሓራይ» የሚል ይገኝበታል፤ ትርጉሙም «የትግራይ ተራሮች የዐማራ መቀበሪያ ይሆናሉ» ማለት ነው። ስለዚህ ዛሬም ዐማሮችን በነገዳቸው ለይቶ መፍጀት ከዚህ የትግሬ-ወያኔዎች የትግል መግለጫ የመነጨ፣ ግቡም የዐማራን ነገድ ከምድረ-ገፅ ማጥፋት እንደሆነ ምንጊዜም ሊዘነጋ አይገባም።

ናዚዝም እና ፋሽዝም በሁለት የተለያዩ የአውሮፓ አገሮች ተፈጥረው በሁለት የተለያዩ ሥያሜዎች ቢጠሩም መገለጫ ባህርይዎቻቸው ተመሣሣዮች ነው። ናዚዝምም ሆነ ፋሽዝም የፓርላማ ዲሞክራሲን አይቀበሉም። ለእነርሱ ብሔረተኝነት የሚገለፀው በዘር (በጎሣ ወይም በነገድ) ላይ በተመሠረተ መሥፈርት ላይ ስለሆነ የርዕዮታቸው መሠረት ሁሉ ዘረኝነት ነው። ለናዚዎች እና ለፋሽስቶች የቡድን ማለትም «የጎሣ ወይም የነገድ» መብት ከሁሉም መብቶች በላይ ስለሆነ የግለሰብ መብት ሥፍራ የለውም። በተለይ ደግሞ ናዚዎች «ምርጥ የሆነው የአርያን ዘር ነን» ብለው ስለሚያምኑ ዘራቸውን ከሌላው ዘር ሣያቀላቅሉ ማራባት መርሆዋቸው ነበር፣ ነውም። ናዚዎች ለፖለቲካ ግባቸው መቀስቀሻ ፀረ-አይሁዳዊነት ዋና መፈክራቸው ስለነበረ ከ6 ሚሊዮን የማያንሱ አይሁዶችን በአሠቃቂ ሁኔታ በግፍ ጨፍጭፈዋል። ለፋሽስት ጣሊያኖች ዋና ጠላታቸው «ኢትዮጵያዊ» በተለይም ደግሞ «ዐማራ» የሚባለው ዘር ስለነበረ ኢትዮጵያን በወረራ በያዙበት 5 ዓመታት ጊዜ ውስጥ ከአንድ ሚሊዮን የማያንሱ ኢትዮጵያውያንን በመርዝ ጋዝ፤ በቦንብ፣ በመጥረቢያ፣ በእሣት በማጋዬት እና በሌሎችም አሠቃቂ መንገዶች ጨፍጭፈዋል። በታሪክ ተመዝግቦ እንደሚገኘው በፋሽስት ጣሊያኖች በብዛት የተጨፈጨፉት ዐማራዎች ነበሩ። ናዚዎች እና ፋሽዝቶች በነፃ ገበያ መርሆ የሚመራ የኢኮኖሚ ሥርዓት አይቀበሉም። ስለዚህ የመሠረቱት የኢኮኖሚ ሥርዓት በዘር ትሥሥር እና በሥውር ሤራ ላይ የተመሠረተ የፋይናንስ ካፒታሊዝምን የጀርባ አጥንት አድርጎ የሚንቀሣቀስ የማፍያ ካፒታሊዝም ነበር። በፖለቲካ አመለካከታቸውም ዜጎቻቸውን ለፍፁም አምባገነናዊ አመራር ታዛዥ የሚያደርግ ሥርዓትን ያራምዳሉ። ስለሆነም የሊበራል ዲሞክራሲንም ሆነ በተፃራሪ የቆመው የግራ ርዕዮተ-ዓለም «ኮሚኒዝምን» አምርረው የሚጠሉ እና የሚታገሉ ነበሩ፣ ናቸውም። ሁለቱም እኒህን የርዕዮተ-ዓለማቸውን ምሦሦዎች ያቆሙት «ውሽት ሲደጋገም ወደ እውነቱ ይጠጋል» በሚሉት የቅጥፈት ፕሮፓጋንዳ መሠረት ላይ ነበር። ከላይ የተዘረዘሩትን ለሚመለከት የትግሬ-ወያኔዎች ቀዳሚውን የርዕዮተ-ዓለም መሠረታቸውን ያገኙት ከጀርመን ናዚዎች እና ከጣሊያን ፋሽስቶች መሆኑን ለመገንዘብ ይችላል። ለትግሬ-ወያኔዎች ሁለተኛው የርዕዮተ-ዓለማቸው መሠረት ደግሞ የኮሚኒዝም አመለካከት ነው። አንድ ጤነኛ አዕምሮ ያለው ሰው «እንዴት ተደርጎ እኒህን ሁለት ፍፁም ተፃራሪ የሚመስሉ ርዕዮቶች አንድን የፖለቲካ እንቅስቃሴ ለመምራት በተጣመረ ሁኔታ መርሆ አድርጎ መቀበል ይቻላል?» ብሎ ሊጠይቅ ይችላል፣ ተገቢ ጥያቄም ይሆናል። መልሱ ደግሞ «የትግሬ-ወያኔዎች በሚሄዱበት አቅጣጫ ከተሄደ ይቻላል፤» ነው። ለዚህ እንዲረዳ የትግሬ-ወያኔዎችን የመጀመሪያውን የ1968 ዓ.ም. ማኒፌስቶ በከፊል መመልከቱ ይጠቅማል።

የትግሬ-ናዚ-ወያኔዎች ገና ክጥንስሣቸው ጀምሮ ለዐማራ ሕዝብ ያላቸውን ጥላቻ እና ያንንም የመረረ ጥላቻቸውን እስከ ዘር ማጥፋት በሚደርስ እርምጃ ከመግለፅ የቦዘኑበት ወቅት የለም። ይህ ያልተገለፀለት ሰው ቢኖር ከገሃዱ ዓለም ወጥቶ በተምኔታዊ የቅዠት ኅዋ ውስጥ ራሱን የደበቀ ብቻ ነው። የትግሬ-ወያኔዎች በዐማራ ሕዝብ ላይ ከፈፀሟቸው አያሌ ከሆኑት ናዚያዊ ተግባሮቻቸው መካከል ዋና ዋናዎቹን አለፍ አለፍ እያሉ መጥቀስ ለማስታወስም ያህል ይረዳ

ገና ሲሽፍቱ በትግራይ ውስጥ ብቻ በሚነቀሣቀሱበት የመጀመሪያዎቹ ሦሥት ዓመታት እነርሱ ቀዳሚ የዘር ማፅዳት ሠለባ ያደረጓቸው እዚያው ትግራይ ውስጥ በሥራም ሆነ በሌላ ማኅበራዊ እንቅስቃሴ ምክንያት ይኖሩ የነበሩትን ዐማሮች ነበር። እንዲያውም ከእነዚያ ዐማሮች መካከል አንዳንዶቹ ከትግሬዎች የተጋቡ እና የተዋለዱ ነበሩ። ለትግሬ-ወያኔዎች ግን እኒያ ሰዎች ዐማሮች ሰለሆኑ መወገድ ነበረባቸው። ስለዚህ አንድ በአንድ በወረንጦ እየለቀሙ ጨፈጨፏቸው።

ከ1971 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ ወያኔ ከትግራይ ወደ ጎንደር የመስፋፋት ጦርነት አድማሱን ሲያሠፋ የመጀመሪያ እርምጃው በወልቃይት እና ጠገዴ የሚኖሩ የጎንደር ዐማሮችን በጅምላ መፍጀት ነበር። እስከዛሬ ምን ያህል የወልቃይት እና የጠገዴ ዐማሮችን እንደጨፈጨፉ በአሃዝ ለይቶ ለማስቀመጥ ቢከብድም በ20 ሺህዎች የሚቆጠሩትን ከምድረ ገፅ እንዳጠፉ፣ ከ70 ሺህ የማያንሱትን ደግሞ ከጥንት አባቶቻቸው ርስት አፈናቅለው ስደተኛ እንዳደረጓቸው ይታወቃል። ወያኔዎች የጎንደር ግዛት የሆነውን የወልቃይት ፣ የጠገዴ እና የፀለምት አካባቢዎችን «የትግራይ ክልል» ብለው ነጥቀዋል። በአካባቢውም ከተለያዩ የትግራይ አውራጃዎች ያመጧቸውን የራሣቸውን ዘር አሥፍረውበታል።

ሥልጣን ከያዙበት ከግንቦት 1983 ዓም ጀምሮ በመላ ኢትዮጵያ ዐማሮችን፦ «ነፍጠኞች፣ ትምክህተኞች፣ አድሃሪዎች፣ ጨቋኞች፣ የትግራይ ሕዝብ ደም መጣጮች፣ ወዘተርፈ» እያሉ ከአገራቸው አፈናቅለዋል፣ ጨፍጭፈዋል። በተለይም ከግብር አጋሮቻቸው ከሻቢያ ፣ ከኦነግ እና ከኦብነግ ጋር በመሆን በሐረርጌ (በበደኖ፣ በሐብሩ፣ እና ሌሎች ሥፍራዎች)፣ በአርሲ (በአርባ ጉጉ እና ጢቾ)፣ በወለጋ፣ በጅማ፣ በኢሉባቦር፣ በባሌ፣ በሲዳማ፣ በጌድኦ፣ በወላይታ፣ በከፋ፣ በጉራፈርዳ፣ በመተከል፣ በአሶሳ እና በሌሎችም አካባቢዎች በመቶ ሺህዎች የሚቆጠሩ ዐማሮችን በአሠቃቂ ሁኔታ ፈጅተዋል።

ከ1984 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ «ብረት ማስፈታት» በሚሉት ዘመቻ ዐማራው ሙሉ በሙሉ ትጥቁን እንዲፈታ ተደርጓል። በተለይም «የዐማራ ክልል» ብለው በሠየ9ሙትና አብዛኞቹ የዐማራ ተወላጆች በሚኖሩበት አካባቢ ይህንን ዘመቻ በበላይነት የመራው ኤርትራዊው በረከት ስምዖን ነው። ዛሬ ዛሬ የዐማራ ተወላጅ እንኳን የጦር መሣሪያ ይቅርና የብረት ጅንፎ ያለው ዱላ መያዝ ጦር መሣሪያ እንደመታጠቅ ተቆጥሮበት ራሱን ከትንሽ አውሬ የሚከላከልበት ዱላ እንኳን መያዝ አይችልም።

ከ1985 እስከ 1987 ዓ.ም. ባካሄዱት «ሽፍታ ምንጠራ» ብለው በሠየሙት ዘመቻ ከዐማራው መካከል ንቃተ-ኅሊናቸው ከፍ ያሉትን እና «ለትግሬ-ናዚያዊ አገዛዝ አይንበረከኩም» ብለው የሚያስቧቸውን ዐማራዎች እየለቀሙ አሥረዋል፣ ደብዛቸውን አጥፍተዋል፣ ገድለዋል።

ከ1986 እስከ 1987 ዓ.ም. ዐማራውን በሦሥት መደቦች ከፋፍለው፦ የወያኔ ኮር አባል፣ ተራ ዜጋ እንዲሁም ቢሮክራት እና ፊውዳል ብለው መድበው መሬት አከፋፍለዋል። የመሬት ድልድል ሲያደርጉ በገጠሩ የዐማራ ማኅበረሰብ መካከል የመደብ ልዩነት በመፍጠር ዐማራው እርስ በእርሱ እንዲፋጅ ሲያደርጉ፣ በተለይም ደግሞ አብዛኛውን ዐማራ የኢኮኖሚ ዐቅሙ የተዳከመ እና ፍፁም በድነህት የሚማቅቅ ምስኪን አድርገውታል።

ከ1992 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ በምሥራቅ ወለጋ ለዘመናት ይኖሩ የነበሩትን ዐማሮች «የጦር መሣሪያ ታጥቃችኋል፣ የኦሮሚያን መሬት ለግላችሁ አድርጋችኋል፣ የኦሮሚያ የቦታ ሥሞችን የዐማራ ስም አውጥታችሁላቸዋል፣ የከብት ዝርፊያ ትፈፅማላችሁ፣ ደን ትመነጥራላችሁ» እና የመሣሠሉትን ሠበቦች በመደርደር ከ12 ሺህ የማያንሱትን አፈናቅለዋቸዋል። በመቶዎች የሚቆጠሩትን ዐማሮች ደግሞ የአካባቢው የወያኔ ሎሌ የሆኑት የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ድርጅት (ኦህዴድ) ታጣቂዎች ፆታ እና ዕድሜ ሣይለዩ በአሠቃቂ ሁኔታ ጨፍጭፈዋቸዋል። የተፈናቀሉት ዐማሮች ከነበሩበት ሥፍራ ተባርረው ጎጃም ክፍለሀገር አገው ምድር አውራጃ ውስጥ ጃዊ የሚባል እጅግ ሞቃታማ እና በወባ ወረርሽኝ በሚጠቃ ወረዳ እንዲሠፍሩ ተደርገው አብዛኞቹ በወባ ወረርሽኝ እንዲያልቁ ተደርገዋል።

ከሚያዝያ 16 ቀን 2001 ዓ.ም. ወዲህ ከአዲስ አበባ እና ከሌሎችም የኢትዮጵያ ክፍሎች “የግንቦት 7 ንቅናቄ አባሎች ናችሁ” ተብለው ከታሠሩት ከ37 በላይ የሲቪል ፣ የደህንነት ፣ የፌዴራል ፖሊስ እና የወታደር እስረኞች መካከል አብዛኞቹ ዐማሮች ናቸው። በእኒህ እሥረኞች ላይ የወያኔ መርማሪ ፖሊሶች ካደረሱባቸው ዘግናኝ ግርፋት ዓይነቶች መካከል፦ የወንድ የዘር ብልት ማኮላሸት፣ በኤሌክትሪክ መጥበስ፣ ጥፍር መንቀል፣ ከባድ ድብደባ፣ በአስጨናቂ ሁኔታ በካቴና ጠፍሮ ማሠር እና ከጣሪያ ላይ ማንጠልጠል፤ እንቅልፍ መከልከል፣ በርሃብ እና በውኃ ጥም ማሠቃዬት፣ ጫካ ውስጥ ወስዶ ግድያ እንደሚፈፀምበትና ሬሣው ለአውሬ እንደሚጣል ማስፈራራት ይገኙባቸዋል። እኒህ እሥረኞች በአካል የተሠቃዩት ሣያንስ እጅግ ቅስም-ሠባሪ ዘለፋ ለመስማትም ተገድደዋል፦ ከወያኔዎቹ አረመኔ ገራፊዎች ከሚወጡት ቃላት ውስጥ፦ “ትምክህተኛ ዐማራ፣ ግም ዐማራ ፣ ብስብስ ዐማራ፣ ሽንታም ዐማራ፣ ፈሪ ዐማራ፣ በኤድስ ቫይረስ የተበከለ ደም እንወጋሃለን፣ ከሃምሣ ጋይንት አንድ አጋንንት ይሻላል አንተ ሆዳም ጋይንቴ፣ ዘር-ማንዘርህን ቀሚስ አልብሰን የወጥ-ቤት ሠራተኛ አድርገን እንገዛዋለን፣ አንተ ደም መጣጭ ጎጃሜ እናቃጥልሃለን፣ ዘረ-ቆሻሻ ዐማራ፣ ወዘተርፈ” የሚሉ ይገኝባቸዋል። እኒህ እሥረኞች በወያኔው የጨረባ ፍርድ ቤት እስከ ሞት የሚደርስ ቅጣት ተጥሎባቸዋል።

እነዚህ ሁሉ የትግሬ-ወያኔዎች የዐማራ ጭፍጨፋ ድርጊቶች ከራሣቸው አንደበት እና ዘገባ ማረጋገጥ የተቻሉ ናቸው። በተለይም በ1999 ዓ.ም. የትግሬ-ወያኔዎች ባካሄዱት የሕዝብ ቆጠራ «አረጋግጠናል» ብለው ለሕዝብ ይፋ ባደረጉት መረጃ መሠረት ከ1989 እስከ በ1999 ዓ.ም. በነበሩት 10 ዓመታት ብቻ 2 ሚሊዮን 500 ሺህ ዐማሮች የደረሱበት አልታወቀም ብለዋል። በእርግጥ ይህ የአሃዝ አገላለፅ ግራ የሚያጋባ ሊመስል ይችላል። ነገር ግን በራሣቸው በወያኔዎች የታመነውን ጉዳይ ከማስተባበል ይልቅ ከጨፈጨፏቸው የዐማራ ነገድ ተወላጆች መካከል ከዚህ ቁጥር ውስጥ ያልተካተቱት ምን ያህል እንደሆኑ ማጣራቱ ይበልጥ ትርጉም ይኖረዋል።

ህወሀት አዲስ አበባን ከተቆጣጠረ በኋላ አማራ ብሔር ላይ የወረደው ጭፍጨፋ : እልቂትና ጥፋት ወደር ያለው አይመስልም:: ራሱ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት እንዳመነው

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ikVl6auH83w ( fast forward it minute 7:10)

በሕዝብና ቤት ቆጠራ ውጤጥ እንደሚያሳየው 2.5 ሚሊዮን አማሮች የገቡበት አልታወቀም:: ምናልባትም ከ ጽዮናዊቷ እስራኤል ቀጥሎ ይሄን ያህል ቁጥር ያለው ሕዝብ የገባበት ሲጠፋ አማራ ሁለተኛው ሳይሆን አይቀርም::

በተለያዩ የሀገር ውስጥና የውጭ ሚድያዮች እንደተዘገበውም ከወልቃይት እስከ ከፋ ድረስ ባለፉት 24 ዓመታት የአማራ ደም ያልፈሰሰበት : የአማራ ንብረት ያልወደመበት: አማራ በብሔሩ እየታደነ ” ወደ ሀገርህ: ተብሎ ያልተባረበበት ቦታና ዓመት የለም ማለት ይቻላል::

በቅርቡ የተፈጸመውን እንኳን ብናይ 2013 ላይ ጉራ ፈርዳ ላይ ከ 80 ሺህ በላይ አማሮችን – ባለስልጣናት አፈናቅለዋል:: ለዚህ መፈናቀል ምክንያት የሆነው ሽፈራሁ ሽጉጤም ታዥዤ ነው ማለቱን ኢሳት ዘግቧል:: 2014 ላይ ቤኒሻንጉል ላይ በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ አማሮች በግፍ ተፈናቅለዋል:: ተገድለዋል:: ደመቀ መኮንን በመግለጫቸው እንደገለጹትም ይሄ የተከናወነው በባለስልጣናት መሆኑን : ድርጊቱም ህገ ወጥና ወንጀል መሆኑን አስረግጠው ተናግረዋል:: 2015 ላይም የአማሮች ሰቆቃ አላለቀም:: ወንበራ ላይ እግጅ ዘግናኝ እልቂት መፈጸሙን አሁንማ ምክትል ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ባንደበታቸው ገልጸዋል:: ራቅ ባሉትም አመታት በደኖ : ኢንቁፍቱ : ወተር : ላንጌ: እና መሰል ቦታዎች አማሮች ላይ የደረሰው ግፍ በባለስልጣኖች ሴራ እና ተንኮል እንጂ ባካባቢው ገበሬ አለመሆኑን ፕሮፌሰር አስራት በማያሻማ መልኩ አስቀምጠውት እንደነበር ይታወሳል::

በነዚህ ሁሉ እልቂቶች የአካባቢው ገበሬ እጅ የለበትም:: ያካባቢው ገበሬማ እስካሁን እኮ ከአማሮቹ ጋር ለብዙ ዘመናት ኖሯል::ጉራ ፈርዳ ላይ ያካባቢው ገበሬዎች ” አማሮቹን ለምን ታፈናቅላላችሁ ” በማለት ባለስልጣናትን ሲወቅሱ እንደነበር ቪ ኦ ኤ ዘግቧል:: በተለያዩ የኦሮሚያ ቦታዎች ላይም ያካባቢው አርሶ አደር ለተፈናቀሉት አርሶአደሮች እህልና ገንዘብ ለተፈናቃዮች እንዳዋጣ አሁንም ሚድያዎች ዘግበዋል::

ችግሩ ካርሶአደሮቹ ሳይሆን ” አማራ ጠላቴ ነው” በሚል ሰይጣናዊ እሳቤ ህሊውን ካሳመነው አካል ነው https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c1Ez4fnM1dI :: የዚህም ወደር የለሽ ጥላቻ መነሻው የጣልያን መርዝ ነው እንጂ : አማራ ለትግሬ ጠላቱ አልነበረም:: ትግሬም ላማራ ጠላቱ አይደለም:: ትግሬ ሲወረር አማሮቹ ደማቸውን ከትግሬው ጋር አፍሠዋል:: ጎንደርን ደርቡሽ ሲያጠቃት ትግሬው ለወገኑ ደሙን አፍሧል:: በኔ እነገስ እኔ እነግስ ሽኩቻ መኖሩ የማይካድ ታሪክ ቢሆንም ይሄን ያህል የመረረ ጥላቻንና በቀልን የሚያስቋጥር አይደለም:: አልነበረምም::

አማሮች ብቻ በመሆናቸው ንብረታቸው የተዘረፈው : ደማቸው የፈሰሰው አርሶአደሮች ደም እንደአቤል ደም ይጮሃል:: አንድ ቀንም የደማቸው ድምጽ የሰማይ አምላክ ዘንድ መድረሱ አይቀርም:; ደም አፍሳሹ ቃኤልም : ያለሀጥያቱ ደሙ የፈሰሰው አቤልም ፍርዳቸውን ያገኛሉ:: የአምላክም የተፈጥሮም ህግ ነውና ይህ መሆኑ አይቀርም:: የግፉ ጽዋም እየሞላ ይመስላል:: እስከዛው ግን “ጽድቅና ኩነኔ ቢኖርማ ባይኖርም : ከክፋት ደግነት ሳይሻል አይቀርም” እንዳለ ገጣሚ ;—– አረ ድሃን ማፈናቀል ማቅበዝበዝና መግደል ይብቃ:: ለነብስም : ለስጋም : ለልጅ ልጅም አይበጅም!!

ለትውስታ እነዚህን ሊንኮች ይመልከቱ Read more here

‘They call him the millionaire’: the refugee who turned his camp into a business empire

It’s a sweltering afternoon in the Kakuma refugee camp, and workers are busy loading crates of Coca-Cola bottles into a run-down car stationed in front of Mesfin Getahun’s store. Clad in a pair of denim jeans and a matching shirt, the 42-year-old Ethiopian wholesaler moves swiftly inside the large room filled with piles of bulk powder milk, canned tomatoes and sacks of grain, attending to customers’ requests and giving orders to staff. A small crowd of refugees and members of the local Turkana tribe have gathered to socialise, sitting on plastic chairs by the shop’s entrance.

In 2001, Getahun fled neighbouring Ethiopia amidst political turmoil, settling in this sprawling camp located in arid, isolated and underdeveloped Turkana County, in north-eastern Kenya. Nobody, including himself, would have predicted that in 16 years he would go from sweeping floors to make ends meet, to being one of the camp’s premier wholesalers whose $10,000 (£7,779) monthly income has earned him the nickname “the millionaire.”

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 Mesfin, a former soldier, employs around 40 workers, both refugees and Kenyans. His employees say he’s a good boss. Photograph: Hubert Hayaud for the Guardian

But today he’s troubled. His family have been selected for resettlement to the United States and is waiting for a departure date. It’s an offer most refugees would only dream of receiving, but it has led to an unexpected set of challenges for Getahun, whose refugee status makes it difficult for him to collect his assets, scattered between the local bank and the camp in investments and in cash, and transfer them abroad. Finding someone capable of buying and taking over his operations would also take time, he explains.

Like many refugees, Getahun arrived in Kenya with nothing – so it would be a big deal for him to sell up and start over again. But staying in Kakuma does not guarantee him security either as the Kenyan government has repeatedly claimed it wants to close all the country’s refugee camps over security fears. Attempts by the government to close the world’s biggest refugee camp Dadaab were halted by a court order earlier this year but the future of the camps is still uncertain – and with it, Getahun’s entire customer base.

“The Kenyan government has said they didn’t want to have refugees here, so I’m at risk even now. I must protect my money, but I don’t have any insurance. You have to be tactful when you live here as a refugee. I have a good relationship with the local people, the Turkanas [but I am still nervous about the government changing its refugee policy].”

A refugee’s rise to the top

A former soldier, Getahun’s first job at the refugee camp was as a cleaner at a refugee-run coffeehouse, where he earnt 1000 Kenyan shillings (£7.50) a month. 

“I just kept that money. Then I used the savings to bake bread. I brought a little bit of wheat flour, and I started selling bread.” He ran his bakery business for a few years, before deciding to open a shop, selling a wider range of goods at a small profit.

But with close to 200,000 people living in the Kakuma camp, which opened in 1992, Getahun sensed there was a bigger business opportunity to be had. The residents there rely on refugee-run businesses to access goods and services that are not provided by international aid – think canned food, shampoo, school supplies, clothing, cybercafés, kitchenware, beauty products, restaurants, bars, photography studios and much more. Residents trade their food rations on the black market to pay for these goods, use money sent from relatives abroad, or start their own business (or look for a job in one of them). The luckiest ones are employed by one of the national and international aid agencies operating in the camp, for much higher wages.

Kenyans also shop, trade and sometimes work in the camp, attracted by its low retail prices and business opportunities.

The sheer scale of the camp and its needs was why Getahun didn’t fear competition. Instead he set up a wholesale business, knowing its success would rely on the expansion of the refugee-run economy. 

“Most of the shopkeepers here, they are selling second-hand clothes. Only me, I was selling different things, different items,” he recounts. “So I just tried to teach them: ‘Why don’t you sell like me?’”

He not only encouraged them, but also mentored them and invested in their enterprises, thereby creating a network of businesses that ended up catalysing his transition to wholesale.

Rahul Oka, an anthropology professor at the University of Notre Dame who has studied Kakuma’s economy for years, says Getahun’s rise to the top of the camp’s economic ladder is unexpected. “Mesfin is unique,” he says.

Kakuma’s economy is run in large part by refugees who were already doing business back home, and brought along with them contacts and sources of informal capital. Somalis, for instance, can rely on a centuries-old money transfer system called hawala, remittances from family abroad, and business ties across East Africa and the Middle East.

For a refugee to compete with these well-established traders without any business experience, savings or access to credit, goes against all odds, Oka explains. “He’s actually replicated the Somali, or the Gujarati, or the Lebanese family business model, except that it’s not kin-related, but the ties are based on friendship and reciprocity.”

A fervent Christian, Getahun claims his innate business acumen is a “gift of God,” which he must repay through charitable actions. He’s helped build churches in the camp, and has made donations to mosques as well. He occasionally pays for hospital bills, supports the private education of orphaned children, and gives food to those in need. “I just follow the instructions of God,” he explains. “I don’t want to see poor people so I help them.”

In business and philanthropy, Getahun has cut across ethnic lines inside and outside the camp. He employs, does business with and gives to members of the local Turkana tribe, who often live in deep poverty. “He’s essentially generated tremendous amounts of social and political capital by his general goodwill,” explains Oka. “That has also played into an increase in his financial capital, because people go to him specifically to buy.”

“The millionaire” meanwhile lives modestly with his wife and two children in a large room located at the back of his wholesale warehouse. He doesn’t like to go out, or to go to restaurants. “I just spend my time here at work. I don’t want to go anywhere.”

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 The Sarafina supermarket, run by Ethiopian refugees a few metres away from Mesfin Getahun’s store, is the largest retail shop at the refugee camp, and some of the stock comes from Getahun. Photograph: Hubert Hayaud for the Guardian

His imminent resettlement to the US weighs heavy on his mind though. He has pleaded his case to the staff from the International Organization for Migration and the American embassy in Kenya who handle his file, but says he’s received little help to sort out the logistics of his departure. “They don’t understand me,” he laments.

The humanitarian system likely didn’t foresee that a refugee would start his life over and build a business empire in a camp where most live with their life on hold.

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